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Title: Letters from France. VII (1850)
Description: Seventh letter from France: the dotation of Louis Bonaparte, the new press law and its effects on the press of order, the prosecution of Le Pouvoir and the election of the commission of permanence.
Author: Friedrich Engels
Date: 1850-08
URL: https://marxismo.school/archivo/marx-engels/originales/1850%20Letters%20from%20France.%20VII
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*Published unsigned in* The Democratic Review *(London), August 1850, vol. II, pp. 117-118; letter dated Paris, July 23, 1850; attributed to Friedrich Engels by MEGA² (I/10). Text from the original magazine (facsimile reprint, Merlin Press, London 1968, Internet Archive). [Traducción al español](https://marxismo.school/archivo/marx-engels/1850%20Cartas%20desde%20Francia.%20VII).*

Paris, July 23, 1850.

As I anticipated in my last, the dotation to Louis Buonaparte finally passed the Assembly—in substance allowing him the sum he wanted, in form humiliating him deeply before the eyes of all France. The Assembly then resumed its work of repression—taking up the press law. Atrocious as this law was when produced from the hand of its originator, M. Baroche, it was innocent and harmless compared with what the spite of the majority has made it. The majority, in its furious and yet impotent hatred against the press, has dealt out its blows almost blindfolded, not caring whether it hits the “good” or the “bad” press. Thus the “law of hatred” has been enacted. The caution-money is raised. The stamp is re-established on newspapers. An extra stamp is put upon the “roman-feuilleton,” that part of the newspaper which is dedicated to the publication of novels—a measure which would be quite incomprehensible if it was not a reply to the election of Eugene Sue, the effect of whose Socialist novels has not yet been forgotten by the majority. All works published in weekly numbers or monthly parts of less than a certain size, are subjected to the stamp in the same manner as newspapers. And lastly, every paragraph appearing in a newspaper must be provided with the signature of the author.

This law, as the blind fury of the majority has made it, falls heavily, not only upon the Socialist and Republican press, but on the counter-revolutionary press: and perhaps far more heavily upon this than upon the opposition press. The names of the republican writers are pretty well known, and it matters little whether they sign their paragraphs or not; but let the *Journal des Debats*, the *Assemblée Nationale*, the *Pouvior*, the *Constitutionnel*, &c., be obliged to come out with the names of their contributors, and their leaders will immediately loose all influence even upon their class of readers. The name of a great daily paper, particularly an old-established one, is, to respectable people, always a respectable firm; but let these firms, Bertin and Co., Véron and Co., Delamarre and Co., once be dissolved into their literary components, let that mysterious “Co.” once decompose into venal “penny-a-liners” of old standing, who, for hard cash, have defended all possible causes, such as Granier de Cassagnac, or into foolish old women calling themselves statesmen, such as Capefigne, let all the little men who raise loud voices and spout big articles once creep out into daylight under the new law, and you will see what a sad figure the respectable press will make.

It is true that, under the new law, by the enhanced price of newspapers a very numerous class of readers will be excluded from this mode of getting information. Both newspapers, cheap periodicals, and other popular publications will be above the reach of numerous working-men, and particularly of the majority of the country-people. But the press was always an auxiliary means merely to agitate the peasantry; this class being far more sensible to their own material sufferings and to the increase of taxation than to the declamations of the press; and as long as the present bourgeois government cannot find out the means—which it never can—to alleviate the weight of usury and taxation upon the peasantry, as long will there be discontent and “revolutionary tendencies,” manifested amongst this newly-roused class. As to the working-men in the towns, they cannot be entirely excluded from seeing the newspapers, and if cheap periodical publications are stopped, they will make up for that by increasing secret societies, secret debating-clubs, &c. But if the government, with respect to the diminishing the number of revolutionary tracts and periodicals, have obtained some result, they have obtained it at the cost of ruining the whole of the publishing and bookselling trades; for it is impossible that these trades can subsist under the restrictions imposed by the new law. And thus this is very likely to contribute much to the breaking up the party of order both in and out of the Assembly.

As soon as the law on the press was voted, the Assembly proceeded to give Louis Napoleon another broad hint that he was not to exceed the limits the constitution had placed him in. The Buonapartist paper, *Le Pouvoir*, had an article commenting in not very favourable terms upon the Assembly. An old law of the Restoration was dug up, and the publisher of the *Pouvoir*, arranged at the bar for breach of privilege, and sentenced to 5000f. (£200) fine, which fine was, of course, immediately paid. The penalty was not very severe, but the act of the Assembly was sufficiently significant. “We strike low but we mean to hit higher,” said a member, and was loudly applauded.

The Assembly then resolved to suspend its sitting for three months, from the 11th of August next. As provided by the constitution, it had to elect a commission of twenty-five members, which is to remain at Paris during the adjournment, and to watch the executive power. The chiefs of the majority, believing Louis Napoleon to be sufficiently humiliated, drew up a list of these candidates, including none but members of the majority, Orleanists, Moderate Legitimists, some Buonapartists, no Republicans nor Ultra-legitimists. But in the vote all the Buonapartists have been thrown out, and in their stead some Moderate Republicans and several ultra-Legitimists have been elected, thus again showing the disposition of the Assembly to have none of the *corps-d’Etat* which Louis Napoleon is always dreaming of.

I do not expect that there will be anything serious until the experiment is made to upset the Republic; be it by the President, or be it by one of the royalist factions. This would, no doubt, rouse the people from their torpor; and this is an event which must take place between now and May 1852, but at what precise epoch it is impossible to predict.