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Title: Exzerpte aus John Budd Phear, „The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon“ (1881)
Description: Marx’ Exzerpte und Bemerkungen zu J. B. Phear, The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon (London 1880).
Author: Karl Marx
URL: https://marxismo.school/archivo/marx-engels/originales/1881%20Exzerpte%20aus%20John%20Budd%20Phear%2C%20The%20Aryan%20Village%20in%20India%20and%20Ceylon
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*Nach der Handschrift, MEGAdigital (MEGA² IV/27).[^lic] [Traducción al español](https://marxismo.school/archivo/marx-engels/1881%20Extractos%20de%20John%20Budd%20Phear%2C%20La%20aldea%20aria%20en%20la%20India%20y%20Ceil%C3%A1n)*

## Sir J. Phear: „The Aryan Village in India and Ceylon.“ 1880.

### I) Modern Village Life in Bengal.

(Bis wo das *Gegentheil* angezeigt, das Zeug Abdrucke v. Artikeln *in Calcutta Review f. 1874*, July and October numbers.)

Was der Mann beschreibt, ist *»agricultural village«* im *Deltaic Bengal*; von den sea lines der Sunderbunds on the South, to the curve, which, passing through Dacca, Pubna, Moorsheedabad, forms the *lower boundary of the red land of the North*, the whole country ist *almost perfect alluvial plain*; exhibits generally *large open spaces*, oft very large, limited to the eye by heavy masses of foliage. Diese open spaces, during the height of the South-West Monsoon, *more or less covered with water*, at the *end of the rains* by green waving swarths of *rice*, u. in *dry season* to a large extent *fallow ground*, varied by *plots* of *the* different *cold weather (rabi) crops*. (3, 4) Fast *no roads*, ausser a *few trunk roads of communication* zwischen the capital u. district towns, sonst only *irregular tracks*, sometimes traversable by wheels, along the *balks* (or *ails*) which divide and subdivide the soil into small cultivated patches or khēts. Die wenigen sonstigen roads sind *kachcha*, d.h. *unmetalled*, ausser in dry season. (*West Bengal* – (im Gegensatz zu Deltaic Bengal – *relatively high land*) liegt ausserhalb des Delta below the *ghāts*, something like roads through and about the large villages, obgleich oft not fitted for wheel traffick. p. 4)

Als *main roads* for locomotion u. carriage of goods dienen innumerable *khals* (canals), branching out from *Hooghly, Ganges, Pudda, Megma etc rivers*, intersecting the country in all directions. (5) Ob das village placed on the *high bank* of a *khal* (the banks meist of *bare, greasy mud*, high enough above the water) or is *situated inland*, it *invariably stands on relatively elevated ground above reach of the water* während Regensaison u. fast hidden, in the *midst of a jungle*; diese villages zugänglich von jeder Seite across the *khets* by passing along the dividing (*ails*) balks. No *trace of street* or any arrangement of the houses in them. (6) Each *dwelling* is a *small group of huts*, generally *four* – a *homestead*. The site of the group a carefully *levelled platform*, raised somewhat above the general elevation of the village land, roughly square in figure, and containing 800–1000 □ yards in area. The *huts* made of *bamboo* and plastered over with mud, sometimes with mud alone, the *floor* of the structure also of *mud being again raised* above the level of the platform; *each hut is one apartment only*, about 20 feet long and 10 or 15 feet wide, *commonly without* a window, *side walls* low, *roof* highly peaked, thatched with a jungle grass, the *eaves* (Dachrinnen) project considerably, thus forming low *verandahs* on the back and front of the hut. Diese *huts* (mostly 4) der homestead are ranged on the sides of the platform, *facing* inwards, berühren sich selbst, shut aber gewissermassen in the *interior space* – the house-space (*uthān*). ⦗Ist Hof space \ Ist *quadrangle*⦘ Hier spielen die Kinder, seeds are spread to dry, the old women sit and spin etc (7, 8)

Die *principal hut* hat oft ausser der Thüre which opens on this interior quadrangle a *second door and well kept verandah on the opposite side opening on the path*, by which the dwelling can be best approached; this is the *baithakhāna* (sitting room) wo strangers or men not belonging to the family, received; u. sehr oft auch das Schlafzimmer der *male members* der family; the *mud floor* of the *hut* or *verandah*, spread mit a mat, reicht dazu hin etc. Die *hut* which faces the *baithakhāna* is appropriated to the women and children; eine der 2 andern huts contains the *chula (mud fireplace)*, serves as *kitchen*; endlich die *4te Hütte* ist a *gola (store-room for grain)*. In einer der *huts*, sei es in quadrangle or outside, ist der *dhenki* u. die Hütte heisst *dhenki ghar; dhenki* ist a very large pestle (Mörserkeule) and mortar (Mörtel) dessen main purpose to husk (enthülsen) Reis. Der Mörtel gewöhnlich ein Gefäss ausgehöhlt of a log of wood u. is sunk in the ground; die pestle ist ein *Hammerkopf*, auch aus Holz, eines *horizontalen Hebe bar* which works on a low post or support u. dessen anderer arm is depressed by 1 or 2 women applying their weight to it; sobald sie ihren Arm loslassen fällt der Hammer, pounds the *paddy* in the mortar u. durch Wiederholung dieser Operation the [husk of the] grain is rubbed off. *Paddy*, the grain [of] rice, gleicht etwas barley, u. must be husked before eaten. Der dhenki attains its object surprisingly. (8–10)

Ist die Familie better off als on average, so mag die Hüttengruppe der homestead mehr als 4 Hütten enthalten, one or more, der *bullockshed, gola* od. selbst *dhenki-ghar* situated *ausserhalb des quadrangle*, perhaps in front of or near to a corner. (10–11)

The homestead platform generally surrounded irregularly by *large trees*, wie *mango, pīpal, palms*. In small clearings among these a *few herbs u. vegetables* are grown for family use in the curry (diese small *vegetable plots* meist wenig mehr als *irregular scratchings in the midst of low jungle undergrowth*; nothing like a garden, no flowers); das *whole area or compound belonging to the homestead* marked off from its neighbours, generally, very obscurely, by most rude metes and bounds, sehr selten a neat fence; die Weiber halten den hardened *mud floor des house-space*, der *principal huts u. verandahs* sehr clean, often adorn the front wall des *baithakhāna* mit grotesque figures in chalk; in der Regel *remainder of the homestead compound in a most neglected dirty state*. Der modern *Bengali* wenig Begriff of neatness, ist *absolut unfähig*, unassisted, of *drawing a straight line* or *an evenly curved line*; the traces left by his plough, the edges of his little fields, the rows of his planted paddy etc like *inked spider legs* across a sheet of paper. (11, 12)

The ordinary agricultural village of Bengal is a *closely packed aggregate of such homesteads* … more or less concealed among the trees of their compounds; hier u. da *waste land* in the shape of unoccupied sites for dwellings; auch *tanks* or *ponds* of water in the *excavations*, which furnished the earth for the construction of the homestead, platforms etc. (12)

Diese Teiche (Weiher) od. Bassins oft rich in all sorts of abomination (*wimmeln alle mit fish*), overhung mit jungle, and surface covered with shiny pond-weed; hier the people *bathe, cleanse their body cloths, get their drinking water*, catch fish in them. (13) In Bengal jeder *pool of water* swarms with fish, small or great; the very *ditches, gutters* and *hollows* dried up for months, on the first heavy downfall filling them, turn out to be *complete preserves of fish*. (l.c.) Manchmal has a fortunate or wealthy ryot a tank attached to his homestead all his own, to which his neighbours have no right to resort. (l.c.) *maidān* (green bewachsen)

Das *land tilled by the cultivators of the village*, i.e. the bulk of the inhabitants, is *a portion of the lower-lying plain outside and around the village*. Die *family of the homestead* – consisting of a father and sons, or *of brothers* or *of cousins* – cultivates von *2 to 10 acres* in the whole, *made up of several plots often lying at some distance from each other*. Die men gehn zu ihrem Work at daybreak, *plough on shoulder*, driving their cattle before them along the nearest village path which leads to the open; manchmal they return at noon for a meal and a bath in the tank u. gehn dann wieder aus for their work; öfter aber bleiben sie bis afternoon, having some food brought [to] them about midday by the women and children. (14) *One man and his young son* (still in his boyhood) with a *plough and a pair of oxen* will cultivate *3 acres* (u. so [on] in proportion), perhaps more, with the aid received in reaping etc. No purely *agricultural class wie in England.* Small cultivators u. die überflüssigen Hände einer Familie arbeiten spare times *for hire* on their *neighbours’ land*; in some villages, wo die *occupation of a caste*, z. B. the weavers caste, naturally died out, the *members forced* to *earn their livelihood by manual labour*, arbeiten u. a. auch auf Land *for wages*. Für den *Herbst* ist oft besondres arrangement made. The *paddy grown on land* in *one situation* reift oft später od. früher als *paddy grown under slightly different circumstances ⦗Crops* are known by designations *drawn from the months or seasons in which* they are reaped or gathered, as *Bhaduwi, Kharif, Rabi*; u. diese respectively *depend upon the season of sowing*.⦘ u. so *small gangs of cultivators* from one village or district go to help the cultivators of a distant village to cut their paddy, this assistance being returned if needed. The *remuneration received for this work* is usually *one bundle out of every five, or out of every seven, that are cut*. The foreigners build a mat hut for themselves in the harvest field u. nach geleistetem Dienst *carry home their bags of grain*. (15, 16)

Grosse uniformity of life etc in all the component classes of a village. (16) Das House des wealthier or more influential man ist manchmal *pakka* or brick-built (aber Plan wie bei bamboo homestead) generally out of repair and partially broken down. Er hat zahlreichere Kleider u. better blankets; seine *cooking ustensils* u. die sehr wenigen other *domestic articles* sind vielleicht of *Brass* statt *Erdenwaare*, seine *hukhas* (*hukha* od. *hookha* a form of *pipe* for smoking tobacco) of metal or even silver mounted statt einer *Cocosnussschale*, seine Weiber tragen reicheren u. zahlreicheren Schmuck. Er hat vielleicht a wooden *gaddi (takhtaposh)* (*gaddi* = a seat, *takhtaposh* = a low platform or sitting place) in his receiving room, on which he and his guests or clients may sit cross-legged, slightly raised above the earthen floor. Hat vielleicht a richly carved statt a plain *sanduk* (strong box) for the custody of his valuables, or a plurality of them. Sonst both households gleich primitiv; food *rice in some form or other* and *curry* (mit Currysauce bereiteter Ragout) u. dies eaten by taking it out of the platter or off the plaintain leaf with the fingers. (17, 18) Zu Haus u. while at work *most men go naked*, ausser the *dhoti* (loin cloth) u. Kinder bis 7 od. 8 Jahr meist absolut nackt. (18) *Wealth* zeigt sich by the *expenditure of money* at family ceremonies, wie bei *marriages*, bei *shraddhas* (funeral obsequies) u. readings of national and religious epics, the *Bhagbut*, *Rāmāyana* etc. Bei *shadis* (*shádi* = nuptial ceremony) u. *shraddhas* the cost is in the purchase and preparation of offerings, presents and payments to Brahman priests, presents to, and the feeding of, Brahmans generally. For the readings, the Brahman narrator (*kathak*) paid very highly u. he u. his audience oft maintained for several days by the employer. Then certain religious festivals are kept *annually* by such families as can afford it, *Kalis’* in *Kartik* (October), *Saraswati’s or Sri Panchamis’ in Magh* (end of January), and ceremonies in honour of *Durga* commonly performed by well-to-do people. (19, 20) The *Social Respect* commanded by wealth, meted out in Bengal very much according to the mode or degree of magnificence with which these *semi-public family duties* (in fact *spectacles*) are performed. (20)

Women all sehr superstitious etc, do *all the menial work of the household*, even when family of the better classes; go daily to the tanks to fetch water, gives opportunity for gossip etc, *astrologers* live in all villages als Auguren zur Deutung aller phenomena des täglichen Lebens, gelenkt durch *supernatural* governors. (spiritual agencies) (21–23)

Der *Boden* worauf die homestead stands u. the small surrounding compound, is *hired* of a *superior holder*; a *common rent* is Re. 1, 1–4, 1–8 p.a. for the *homestead plot* u. etwas weniger für das attached piece. Die *Buildings*, die die homestead bilden, gewöhnlich constructed durch tenant, gehören ihm; zieht er fort, so kann er die Materialien mitnehmen od. verkaufen; dies ein Grund, warum mud, mat u. bamboo dwellings the rule u. *pakka (brick-built)* houses the exception. The largest *mat hut* of a homestead kostes *Rs 30–50* to build entirely anew; the *chulha* (cooking stove) is made by the women of mud. The *dao* (bill-hook, Spitzhaken), as a tool the Bengali’s jack-of-all trades, is got from the *village blacksmith* for a few *annas*. The *plough-handle* des *cultivator* prepared almost for nothing by the ryot himself, perhaps mit assistance des *village carpenter*, u. its *toe* is shod with iron by the *village blacksmith* for 1 rupee. ⦗*Plough* is a most simple *wooden tool* ohne Eisen ausser the *pointed ferule at the toe*; gleicht genau in shape a *thin anchor*; one *claw* goes into the ground at such an inclination that the other is nearly vertical and *serves as a handle* for the ploughman; the *shank* is the plough-beam to which the bullocks are attached. There is no *share coulter* or *breast*; the pointed end only stirs the earth, does not turn it. The whole so light *that a man easily carries it over his shoulder*.⦘ An average *pair of bullocks* obtainable for *Rs 20*, u. the *price* der few *earthen pots and pans* of various sorts – constituting the necessary ustensils for household purposes – may be reckoned in *pice*. (23, 24) So klein das *accumulated capital* des villager’s u. selbst dies oft due to the *mahājan*. ⦗*Mahājan = merchant, money-dealer* – one who makes it his business in the villages to *advance money and grain to the Ryot on the pledge of crop*⦘. (24) *Extreme poverty* of by *far the largest portion*, i.e. the *bulk of the population in Bengal* (*the richest part of India* !) seldom rightly apprehended by the English people. The *tropical climate* u. the *tropical facility of producing rice* admit of life and *a certain low type of health* being maintained *on a minimum of means. 7 rupees a month* a sufficient income for support of a whole family; *food* the *principal item of expense*, u. probably *one rupee 8 annas a month* in most parts of Bengal sufficient to feed an *adult man* u. *12 annas* a *woman* even in a well-to-do establishment. Die *villagers*, die *cultivators*, have mostly *sufficient rice of their own growth for their home consumption*; the *little cash* they require is the *produce of the sale of the rabi (cold weather) crops*. Die *andren villagers* buy their rice unhusked (*paddy*) from time to time in small quantities, u. alle so ihr *Salz, Taback* (wenn sie ihn nicht selbst bauen), *gurh* (coarse sugar of date tree etc, hardened into a cake – *molasses*), *oil, masala (spice, seasoning)* fast täglich at the general dealer’s (*modi*) shop. (25) *Für Kaufen*, wie of curry spices, the *pice* or ¼ *anna* (*1 anna* = 1 /16 silver rupee), the lowest piece struck by the Mint, *nicht sufficiently small* u. *cowries* (*Kauri* a small shell (cypræa) used as money) at the rate of about *5,120 to the rupee* universally employed to supplement the currency. (26)

In a large village *3 or 4 modi’s* shops. (Sells auch liquid articles) Beschreibung solchen shop’s. (25–28)

*Hāt* or market held in most villages twice a week; meist a tolerably open part of the village site; meist *keine stalls* for the *protection of the sellers or their goods*; when so simply long narrow lines of *low shed roofs covering a raised floor*, supported on bamboo posts, without any side walls. (28, 29) Zum hāt bringt der producer his *spare paddy, mustard-seed, betel-nuts, sugar-cane, gurh treacle*, his *chillies, gourds, yams*; the *fisherman* his fish, the *seedcrusher* his oils, the *old widow* her *mats* and other handy work, the potter his *gharas* (= a necked, narrow mouthed, earthen vessel) u. *gamlas* (*gamla* = open earthen vessel), the *hawker* his piece-goods, bangles etc; the *town trader’s agents u. the local modis* come to increase their stocks, the *rural folks* to supply their petty wants, all gossip, not *a few stay to drink*. (not rare this accomplishment in India) *Each vendor sits cross-legged on the ground with his wares* set out around him, u. *for the privilege of this primitive stall* he pays a certain small sum or contribution in kind to the *owner of the hāt*, meist der *Zamīndār.* (proprietor of the rest of the village land) Die *profits* derived from a popular *hāt* sufficiently considerable [relative] to the ordinary rent to induce a singular competition on the part of the neighbouring Zamīndārs; jeder will set up a *hāt*, verbietet den ryots Besuch der andern, führt oft zu Keilereien. (29, 30)

Ist das village, or any substantial portion of it, inhabited by *Mussulmans*, dann a *masjīd* (mosque) in it; of *brick*, wenn a member der community defrays the cost of erecting it, meist of *mat* and *bamboo*; the *mulla*, who officiates there may be a *tradesman*, or *modi*, gifted with a smattering of Arabic sufficient to read the Koran; ist in theory chosen by the *mahalla* (Muhammedan quarter), aber praktisch *the office hereditary*, remunerated durch small money payments made bei marriages u. other ceremonies. (31)

*Patshāla* or *hedge school*; along a village path a group of 10–20 almost naked children, squatting under a pīpal tree, near a homestead, or even under a thatched verandah dazugehörig, engaged in marking letters on a plantain or a palm leaf, or in doing sums on a broken piece of foreign slate, od. even on the smoothed ground before them – the indigenous means of educating the rising generation. *Instruction* here given gratis, *for contrary to an oriental’s social and religious feelings of propriety that learning of any sort should be directly paid for*; der teacher an *elderly Brahman: Guru Mahasoy*; eigentlich soll er nur Brahmanen u. andre *twice-born classes* unterrichten, thut’s aber faktisch für outside classes für *reading u. writing the vernacular, arithmetic* etc; gelegentlich verbindet ein *modi* mit seinem shop auch dies business mit Bezug auf die children squatting under the eaves of his shop hut. – Der instructor erhält bei special events in der family v. den parents of his pupils *small presents of rice* or *dāl* (= *split peas*, or any *other split pulse*), or even a *piece of cloth*, ditto when an urchin achieves a marked stage in his progress. (32, 33) A Brahman [guru] gets in addition *his share of the gifts to Brahmans*, so serious an item of expense in the celebration of the many festivals obligatory on a well-to-do Bengali. (34)

*In parts of Bengal noted for Sanscrit learning*, wie *Vikrampur* u. *Nuddea* etwas Aehnliches gleich einer old-fashioned Engl. grammar school sometimes met with; a turn of the village path brings you to a *Tol*; dort in *half open mat shed* sit cross-legged on the raised mud floor a dozen Brahman youths decently clad, mit *Sanscrit manuscripts* on their laps, learning grammar; each remains 2 or 3 or even more years at this monotonous occupation, wie transcribing sacred rolls, until he is able to pass to the *home of deepest learning, Nobodweep*. Master of the Tol a *Brahman Pundit* who in obedience to the Hindu principle not only teaches but maintains his scholars, (34, 35), personally stets poor (35). Er u. seine disciples leben v. den Gaben der richer Hindus in neighbourhood; während 2 Monaten Ferien besucht er sie der Reihe nach, u. never leaves a roof ohne Honorar von 1 Rupee, 2, selbst 20 je nach wealth of his host. (35, 36)

*One or more specimens of the Byragi* and his female companion – coarse licensed beggars of a religious ascetic order (aber meist lose Vögel) in den meisten villages; in seiner homestead *one of the huts* a *thakurbāri of Krishna* (an incarnation of Vishnu) wo die members of the very numerous sect of *Boistubs* od. *Vaisnabas* (Vishnubites) on certain festivals lay their offerings. The *Byragi* ist der minister einer der sects which owe their origin to the great reformer *Chaitanya* about 300 years since. (36, 37)

The *homestead* of the *goāla*, or *cowman*, wovon several in a village, wie die seiner neighbours, ist *cultivator* wie most of them. Meist the *cowshed* [will be] actually brought up to the *uthān* and fill one of the sides. Die *cows* tiny little animals often not more than 3 feet high u. miserably thin. Are kept *tethered close*, side by side of each other in the open shed, there *fed with dried grass, wetted straw*, ausser when under the care of a boy they can *on the waste places about the village*, and on the fallow *khēts* pick up what they find. *All Hindus* – if they can afford it, consume *milk*; after *rice and pulse* (*dāl bhāt*) it [is] *the staple food of the people*; keine Butter noch Käse; der *goāla* verkauft nicht nur Milch in raw state, sondern compounds auch die various preparations of it, thickened; eine davon *dahi* gleich a mass of thick clotted cream (with all the fluid portion omitted), is daily hawked about from homestead to homestead by the *goālas* in earthen *gharas*, carried scale-fashion, or *bahangi* (a bamboo furnished with cords at each end, by means of which luggage is carried slung across the shoulder), suspended von den 2 extremities of a bamboo across the shoulder. (37, 38, 39)

*Blacksmith’s shop:* a thatched shed, with *old iron and new* of small dimensions lying about in confusion. Im centre des mud floor is a *very small anvil*, close to the *fireplace*, welcher a *hole sunk in the ground*. The *nozzle* of the very primitive bellows is also let into the ground. The *headsmith*, sitting on a low stool or on his heels, works the bellows by pulling a string with one hand while with a *tongs* in the other he manipulates the iron in the fire, and then, still keeping his seat, *turns to the anvil* [whereon] with a small hammer in his right hand he performs the guiding part in fashioning the metal, and an *assistant* also squatting on his heels follows his lead with a larger hammer. The *hammer heads* are long, on one side only of the haft, and unbalanced by any make-weight, and the anvil is exceedingly narrow; yet the blows struck by both workmen with unerring precision. The *villagers brauchen nur wenig in the shape of iron work*; a few *nails*, the *toes* of the ploughs, *cultivating hoes (kudalis) billhook or cleaver (dao)*, the *bonti* ⦗a broad sickle-shaped knifeblade, *fixed vertically into a heavy wooden stand*. In use, the stand is held firm by the feet, and the fish, vegetable, straw or other article to be cleaned, sliced, or cut up, is with the *hand duly worked against the concave cutting edge* thus made fast.⦘ of domestic and other use (fixed curved blade), all diese articles made or repaired by the village blacksmith. His *stock of Iron* is mainly *English hoop iron* bought at the nearest town by him, or for him, *which has come out to India in the shape of bands round the imported* piecegood bales. (39–41)

*»Professionals«* im village: not seldom the *kabiraj* or native doctor (of the Vaidya caste), trägt seine Pillen in paper packets in a tolerably large bundle (cover within cover) in the end of his *chadr* od. *Chadar* (a *sheet, or cloth*) mit sich herum; many of his pills, compounded after receipts of antiquity, excellent specifics; der *kabiraj* macht vorher in jedem einzelnen Fall bargain, z. B. Re 1 od [Rs] 2 f. die ordinary medicine mit 2 or 3 visits in an obstinate case of malarious fever. (41, 42)

*Astrologer*, fast in jedem principal village; ist an *Acharjee (Lugu Acharjee)*, but of a somewhat low class of Brahman, whose business is to *paint* the *thakurs* (idols) u. die various traditional representations der deities; to prepare horoscopes etc. Andre paint pictures in water colours for decorative use bei great ceremonies performed by the richer families; *keine Perspektive*, aber *outline u. colour* well depicted on the flat; *many of these men* work together on a given subject for *monthly pay of Rs 20–30*; meist aber each prepares his pictures at leisure in his own home u. presents them when finished to some rich person, wofür er meist ample remuneration erhält. (42, 43)

*Gottesworship* bei den Mohammedanern *congregational u. personal*; the masjid, public preaching, united prayer u. adoration offered by individuals collected in congregations die characteristic features. (43)

*Bei den Hindus der Cultus domestic u. vicarious*; the *family idol*, daily service u. worship des idol *performed by a priest for the family*, and the periodic celebration of ceremonies in honour of *that manifestation of the deity* which the family adopts, wie *for the deceased ancestors’ souls*, die principal ingredients. Unter den wealthy Hindus the *hereditary spiritual guide*, the hereditary *Purohit* (family priest) and the service of the jewelled *thakur* form the *keystone of the joint family structure*; u. die poor folks of a country village dasselbe in ärmlicher Form. Jeder respectable household that can afford the small expense has a rude *thakur*, or image of its *patron deity* placed in a *separate hut of the homestead* u. a Brahman comes daily to perform its worship u. service; die *village purohits* – belonging to a *lower caste* of imperfectly educated Brahmans – an extremely ignorant set of men. In some districts mostly foreign to the village, coming there from a distance, residing in it for a few years, then return home for an interval, providing a substitute or vicar während ihrer period of absence; erhalten remuneration in the shape of offerings u. small fees, haben pretty good livelihood by serving several families at a time. Wie die andren Brahmanen they come in for a share of the gifts distributed by wealthy men bei family ceremonies u. festivals. Grossentheils *purohit erblich*; stets so bei families of social distinction; diese haben mehre spiritual guides exclusively for themselves; the *guru* (spiritual instructor of the individual who gives him the *mantra* = a *passage from the Veda*, a *prayer*), der *higher class purohit who is an Acharjee* u. conducts the periodic *puja (Poojah = Worship)* festivals of the family in addition to the *ordinary purohit* who performs the daily service of the *thakur*. (44–46)

The *mass of the ryots* who form the population of the village *too poor to have a family deity*; müssen sich begnügen part der audience zu bilden bei religious festivals celebrated by their richer neighbours, u. den annual *pujas* performed at the *village mandap* (an *open-sided roofed structure or building*) on *behalf of the community*. (46)

*Mandal* – the village headman; the *chaukidar* – the village watchman, or constable; the *barber*, u. the *washerman* auch noch wichtige *Personnages*, ebenso *carpenter, potter, weaver, fisherman; jalkar-wála* = one who has a right of fishing; *pith-worker* etc.

#### Zemindar and Mahājan.

The wooded dwelling area (des village) is skirted by *waste* or *common land* of very irregular breadth u. *beyond this* again comes the *cultivated land of the open plain (māth)*. Up to *a certain line* – of immemorial origin but ordinarily well ascertained – *all the land both waste u. cultivated, reckoned outwards from the village*, belongs to the village (als *possession*); on the *other side of the line* begins another community land. In Theilen von Bengal wo *portions der country in a state of nature* the limits des village *territory include jungle u. sonst unappropriated land*. (48, 49)

The *village and its land* als Ganzes heissen a *mauzah*. (49) Dies Land des *mauzah* cultivated in *small patches* by the resident ryots on *payments of dues*, according to the *nature of the soil*, and the *purpose of the cultivation*, to the *Zemindar*; they are most commonly variable and capable of adjustment from time to time zwischen Zemindar u. Ryot, (50) are *classified mit extreme minuteness* according to *characters attached to the land by custom*, not all concrete. (51) So:

*Sali* – land *wholly submerged während period of rains* – of *different grades*; *Suna*, not submerged, also *of different grades*;

*Nadki*, land for which *rent is paid in cash* per bigah; *Bhaoli*, land for which *rent paid in kind, part of the produce*; – ebenso *Bhaoli*: land for which *rent is paid in cash per crop per bigah*,

*Bhiti* – raised *house-site land*. (51) *Khudkasht*, lands which the *residents of the village are entitled to cultivate*;

*Pahikasht – land* which *outsiders may cultivate*. (52)

Diese *characters adhere almost permanently to the same land*; for each village a *recognized rate of rent (nirkh)* properly payable according to them. When the *occupation*, wie meist der Fall mit *Sunaland*, on an *utbandi-jama* (rent according to the *land actually tilled*, when *land tilled one year* is *allowed to lie fallow* the next) u. die cultivation is by alternation of cropping u. fallow, *zahlt der Ryot* nur so *viel von jeder Sorte of lands as he actually tills*. In most villages by far the larger portion of land is *Khudkasht*. (52)

Also the *open lands* des village divided up among the resident ryots in small allotments, oft consisting of *several scattered pieces*, generally *comprehending land of various qualities* – rarely über 10 acres in Total u. oft viel weniger, … *Zahlung der Rente durch each ryot to Zemindar* nach shifting scale, depending upon more or less of the elements mentioned. (53)

Abbreviated example of the year’s account zwischen ryot u. zemindar.

| Description of land | Quantity | Big. Cot. | Rate | Amount of rent. |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |  |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
|  |  |  |  |  |  |  | Rs. | As. | P. | Rs | As | P. |
| Sali, | rice land, | first quality |  | 2. | 10. | 0. | 4 | 0. | 0 | 10 | 0 | 0 |
| ditto |  | second qual. |  | 1. | 1. | 0 | 3 | 0 | 0 | 3 | 2 | 2 |
| ditto |  | third qual. |  | 0. | 7½. | 0. | 2 | 4 | 0 | 0 | 13 | 10 |
| Bamboo |  |  |  | 0. | 6. | 0. | 15 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 8 | 0 |
| Waste |  |  |  | 0. | 2. | 15 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 2 | 4 |
| Homestead |  |  |  | 0. | 1. | 0 | 20 | 0 | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 |
| Compound |  |  |  | 0. | 1. | 0 | 15 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 12 | 0 |
| Excavation |  |  |  | 0. | 5½. | 0 | 1 | 0 | 0 | 0 | 4 | 8 |
| Total |  |  |  | 4. | 14. | 15 |  |  |  | 0 | 11 | 0 (285) |

In extenso füllt diese Geschichte (285, 286) 40 u. oft mehr Parallele Columns, mit column for arrears etc. (286) Matter of fact that the Bengal ryot [is] little disposed to move u. for generation after generation, from father to son, the *same plots of land*, or approximately so, *remain in the hands of the same family*. (53)

The *zemindari* is an *aggregate* of many entire *mauzahs*. (54)

Die *jährliche Rente* meist gezahlt in 3 or 4 *kists* (instalments) die collection dieser Rents nur ausführbar durch *an organized staff*, commonly called, both individually and collectively, the zemindar’s, or *zamindari amla*; besteht gewöhnlich aus:

einem *Tehsildar (collector of the rents*; if the *zemindari* is large, one Tehsildar collects für je 3 or 4 mauzahs.)

In jedem *village* od. *Mauzah* a Tehsildar’s *kachahri*, ⦗(auch called »Cutcherry« nämlich a court or *office* where public business, or the *business of a zemindar’s estate* (wie hier), is done)⦘; dort the zamindari books and papers relative to the village collections made up and kept. *Bookkeeping von Hindus carried to an almost absurd extent of detail*; would be tedious to *describe all the books* kept in due course of the *kachahri* business; the *principal of them* are: *3 or 4 books* genannt *chittha (Memorandum* – name of a business book used in the management of a Zamindar’s property, in which *measurements* and other like information are entered); dies ist in fact a *numbered register* in various ways and in minute detail of all the small *dags, or plots into which the village lands are divided*, the *measurement* of each, its *situation*, the *quality of the land*, the *ryot who cultivates it* etc, the last of them being the *khatiyan* (an account book of the nature of the ledger), or ledger, which gives under *each man’s name* all *the different portions of land* held by him, with their respective characteristics. The *jama bandi* a sort of assessment paper made up for each year, with the view of showing for every ryot, as against each portion of the land held by him, the rate at which it is held, according to quality or crop, and also to exhibiting the total amount which in this way becomes due from him, and the *kists* in which it is to be paid; and the *jamawasil-baki* (resuming the principal statements of the *jama bandi*) – an account paper showing simultaneously the full rent, the amount collected, and the amount of arrears, in respect of an estate, village, or district.

A Bengali account book is formed by sewing together with a cord any number of very long narrow loose sheets at one of their ends, and when it is closed the free ends of the sheets are folded back upon the ends which are thus bound. (55–57)

The *Gumashta* (Gomashta) ⦗generally *agent*, one who carries on business for another⦘ u. *Patwári*: ⦗one who keeps the collection papers of a *mauzah*, and commonly also makes the collections of the village⦘, or similar offices, whatever their different names in different districts, are charged with keeping up the kachahri-books according to the varying circumstances of the ryots’ holdings; haben daher das ganze Jahr durch (als spies des Zemindar!) a sharp eye upon the ryots’ doings. As a rule diese Burschen selbst belong to the class of village ryots u. sind selbst cultivators. Findet sich hence that the *plots in their hands are the best in the village*; ihr »proper work« verhindert sie selbst to cultivate u. they are *»supposed«* to pay other ryots tilling the soil for them; sie mogeln meist dass dies *gratis* geschieht; erschleichen u. erpressen sich auch »the offer of gratifications«. In so weit dies *office hereditary*, dass generally the son succeeds the father; aber das meist nothwendig, weil selten mehr als 1 od. 2 andre unter den villagers das für dies Geschäft nöthige Quantum v. Lesen u. Schreiben besitzen. (57–59)

Der Zemindar ist der »superior lord« der ryots (»subjects«) both by habit u. feeling *glebae adscripti*; seine Authorität u. die seines *amla* in Zaum gehalten durch den *mandal* (gewöhnlichste Bezeichnung, wechselt aber mit District), the *village head man*, mouthpiece u. representative der ryots des village in all matters between them and the zemindar or his officers. Der *Mandal* cultivator wie die übrigen ryots, *keineswegs der reichste unter ihnen*; sein office in theory *wählbar*, in fact fast invariably von *father to son* u. so *hereditary* aus selbem Grund dass alle *occupations u. employments in India hereditary*. Er muss hinreichend lesen u. schreiben u. die Zemindari accounts verstehn können u. bekannt sein mit den *customary rights der villagers*; erhielt nicht directes emolument, aber die ryots helfen ihm v. Zeit zu Zeit *gratuitously* in his cultivation, zahlt oft auch geringere Rent als die andren ryots. Der *mandal* u. a *few of the elder men* constitute the *village panchayat*, by whom the most ordinary disputes u. quarrels are adjusted. ⦗Er erklärt *Pancháyat* a body of five *caste men*, villagers or others, who deal [with] and settle disputes relating to caste, occupation etc.⦘ In more obstinate cases the *mandal* and the parties go to the zemindar or his representative the *náib* ⦗*Deputy* or *representative* – the head officer or steward representing the zemindar in the management of large zemindaries⦘ or *gumashta*, for discussion and representation. So ohne die theuren public courts viel Justizadministration in den rural districts of Bengal abgemacht. (59–61)

*Residirt der Zemindar* im Dorf, so oft der *barber* who shaves the members of his family, the *dhobi* who washes for them, the head *darwan* (porter) and other principal servants – sind *hereditary*, haben portion of village land zu relativ low rent or rent free; der *dhobi* u. *barber* have the right to be employed at *customary rates of pay* by all the ryots; oft *carpenter* u. *blacksmith* in gleicher Lage; der hereditary *watchman (chaukidar)* erhält sein Land *rent free*; ebenso *Brahman priest*, whether of the Zemindar’s family, or maintained for the village *pujas* etc. (61, 62) (dieser Esel Phear nennt die Constitution des village *feudal*)

*Ausserhalb dieser Village Constitution der Mahājan*, der *village capitalist*. Der village ryot muss periodisch *Geld* auslegen; z. B. a Hütte der homestead neu zu bauen or to repair, Pflug od. anderes Instrument zu machen, Paar bullocks zu kaufen, Saat für Aussaat nöthig, endlich Reis für sich u. Familie, several *kists of his rent to be paid before all his crops* can be secured and realised. Im western part des Delta reichen seine savings selten hin to tide him *ganz über die Periode die verfliessen muss bevor seine jährliche Production* einkommt. Muss also zum *Mahājan* gehn for *money* and for *paddy* as he wants them. Gewöhnlichste Transactionsweise zwischen beiden Seiten: das *paddy for sowing and for food*, u. auch *andrer Saamen*, wird geliefert unter Bedingung dass er *sie returnirt +50% in quantity zur Herbstungszeit*; *Geld* andrerseits to be repaid, auch at *harvest time*, mit *2% per Monat Zins* entweder in *Form von Equivalent of Paddy, reckoned at Bazaar prices*, or in *cash at the option of the lender*. Als security für Execution dieses Uebereinkommens nimmt der *mahājan* häufig *Hypotheke auf des ryot’s future crop* u. er *hilft sich selbst to the stipulated amount on the very threshing floor, in the open field*. (63, 64)

Der *Zemindar* – dieser falsche engl. landlord – merely *a rent-charger*; der *ryot* a field-labourer, living from hand to mouth; der *mahājan, der das farming Capital liefert, die Arbeit zahlt u. allen Profit einsteckt*, ist ein *stranger, having no proprietary interest in the land*; a *creditor* only, whose sole object is to realise his money as advantageously as possible. After setting aside in his *golas* ⦗*gola* = a hut, meist circular in form, in which grain is stored.⦘ as much of the produce come to his hands, as he is *likely to need for his next year’s business*, he *deals with the rest simply als cornfactor*, sending it to the most remunerative market. A thriving *mahājan* may have a *whole mauzah or more under his hand* – and *yet he has no legitimate proprietary status in the community*, while those who have – *the ryot … and the Zemindar* … for different reasons are apparently powerless. (64–65) Hence x) *der unprogressive character of an agricultural village*, so beschrieben by a young zemindar, *Babu Peary Chund Mookerjee Beng. Soc. Sci. Trans. vol. IV, sec. 4, p. 1.*

„A husbandman of the present day is the primitive being he always (!) has been. With a piece of rag round his loins for his clothing, bare feet, a miserable hut to live in, and a daily fare of the coarsest description, he lives a life … unruffled by ambition. If he gets his two meals and plain clothing he is content with his lot, and if he can spare a few rupees for purchasing jewellery for his wife and children, and a few rupees more for religious ceremonies, he will consider himself as happy as he can wish to be. He is *the greatest enemy of social reform* ⦗? wäre nicht enemy of getting himself the rent he pays to Zemindars, old or young!⦘, and never dreams of throwing off the trammels which time or superstition has spun around him. He will not send his son to school for *fear* ⦗and a very just one, too!⦘ of being deprived of his manual assistance in the field; he will not drink the water of a good tank because he has been accustomed to use the water of the one nearer to his house; he will not sow a crop of potatoes or sugar-cane because his forefathers never did it; *he will allow himself to be unmercifully fleeced by his hereditary priest to secure the hope of utter annihilation after death* … the ryots *too poor* (!), too ignorant, too *disunited among themselves to effect* … *improvement*.“ (65–67)

#### Domestic life.

*Wealthy enterprising zamindars* sehr selten im *Mofussil* ⦗ *(or Mafassal)* = *the country* as *opposed to the town*; the *subordinate* as opposed to the principal⦘. The Hindu *gentleman* of the Bengali village, the *landed proprietor* of the locality, had *income von Rs 100 to Rs 200 per Jahr höchstens*; nicht immer a *pakka* house; his *property* is probably *a share of the village, or of several villages together, held on some tenure*; his *net income* = dem *remainder of the collections he has made from the ryots after he has paid the jama* ⦗od. *jamma* = the aggregate of payments made for land in the year – *the total rent*⦘ *of his tenure* to *his superior or to the Government*, as the case may be. (68, 69)

*Bhadra-log*, respectable well-to-do people, who are not Brahmans;

*Andar Mahal* ⦗das Wort *Mahalla* = a division of a town, a quarter⦘, the portion of the house or homestead allotted to the *female members of the family*, which strangers and non-privileged males are not allowed to enter.

*Ashan* = a square piece of carpet; *thāl* a metal plate or dish; *pān* = a betel leaf.

*Tiffin* = a refreshment; *bau* = young married girl; *bári* = a dwelling house, homestead.

*Universal habit* in Bengal *prevalent in all classes for the members of a family to live joint* and to *enjoy the profits of property jointly*. z. B. in *Ryot’s family*: nach Tod des Vaters, seine Söhne, früher dependent members of the family living in the same homestead and assisting the father in the cultivation of his *jot* (= jote = both the land which the cultivator tills, and his tenure of it), continue [to live] in same homestead, cultivating the same *jot*, but now as owners. Manchmal tragen sie ihre Namen collectively ein statt dessen des Vaters in das book of the zamindar’s *kachahri*; manchmal the dead man’s name remains there unaltered. Jeder *brother, with his wife and children, if possible, occupies a separate hut* in the homestead, u. so oft nöthig für dies purpose, an *additional hut added to the group*. (76, 77) Die brothers by law entitled to *equal shares of inheritance in the whole of any heritable property* they have thus taken in common, and each has a right at any time *to compel a partition*. Stirbt einer der Brüder, *his sons*, wenn er keine hat, his *widow*, step into his place and represent him in all respects. (77) Generation auf Generation fortgehend würde dies a complex distribution of undivided shares hervorbringen; aber bei *ryots* kommt’s rasch zu End the smallness of the original subject rendering the aliquot parts insignificant. Eh es so weit, die *jüngeren members* der family *give up* or sell *their shares* to the others u. suchen sich andre Beschäftigung. Ist das *jot* inheritable in its nature, so die jointly living members of family *actually divide the land* unter einander according to their shares and *cultivate separately*. So das *Land in some villages subdivided into absurdly small plots* u. this evil has a natural tendency to increase. (78)

In *wohlhabenden Familien* mit bedeutenden Besitzungen sei es in *Handel* od. in *Zamindaries* u. other landed tenures, the state of *„jointhood“* dauert gewöhnlich lang. The whole property managed by *one member of the family called the „karta“*, meist das älteste Individuum der ältesten Branche; theoretisch *responsible* to the entire body of joint-co-sharers, jeder von denen kann einsehn die family books of accounts u. papers regularly kept in a *sort of office (daftarkhana)* by the family servants; selten jedoch one interferes, bis quarrel, dann fought out mit acrimony, partition effected and accounts insisted upon. As a rule the co-sharers content to be supported in the family house, out of the family funds, each getting, as he wants, sufficient small sums of money for ordinary personal expenses. Das *money* saved nach disbursement of the general family u. proprietary expenses, is invested by the *karta* in the purchase of some addition to the joint property; das *Geld* required for extraordinary family ceremonies or religious performances commonly raised durch den *Karta* in the form of a loan charged on the common property. (78–80) Dies *domestic community* oft sehr numerous; *erstens* die *co-sharers*, Brüder, Neffen u. male cousins deren fathers’ shares have devolved upon them u. die *widows or daughters of co-sharers*, verstorben ohne Söhne oder Enkel; *zweitens:* the *mixed class of dependent members* – wives and children of existing co-sharers, wives and daughters of former co-sharers *(whose shares went to sons)* and individuals labouring under any infirmity disqualifying them from inheriting. In *Calcutta* u. selbst im *Mofussil* Beispiele von *Familien v. 300–400 Individuen*, incl. servants, *living in one house*. Meist zählt die family 50–100. (80, 81)

*deorhi* ⦗entspricht der French *conciergerie*; nämlich in entrance passage of old family house, oft auf beiden Seiten a raised floor mit 1 od. 2 open cells worin die *darwans* (doorkeepers) sit, lie u. sleep, in fact dwell.⦘

*Puja dalan:* die *verandah*, deren chief purpose to *serve as a stage* for the performance of religious and domestic ceremonies.

*Shámiana* (*Tent canvas* stretched horizontally across, as a covering, from side to side of a quadrangle, or from top to top of poles, firmly fixed in the ground – *awning*.)

*Thakurbāri, chamber* where the figure of the family deity (thakur) resides u. where its daily service u. worship is performed. *Weiber* dürfen nicht selbst worship the family idol or any visible thakur, ausser der *clay figure of Siva* made for every-day worship. The *Shastras forbid to women* and *Sudras* all knowledge and use of sacred texts.

Hat die Familie 3 or 4 generations, removed von dem common ancestor, erreicht, so there *several heads of branches*; diese *branches* settle themselves by *stirpes*, in separate parts of the house under their own heads; … manchmal die Separation so complete that the portion of the house allotted to each branch is parted off from the remainder of the house by blocking up of doors, and by the opening of a separate entrance. Each group as a rule messes by itself, and every adult member of it has a room to himself in which he lives, *all the female members* together in the *inner apartments*, commonly called among Europeans the *Zenana*. All the branches usually *keep joint with regard to the worship of the family deity*. Und selbst wenn the *branches sever in everything* – i.e. in *food, worship, and estate* – the *same family deity is commonly retained* by all, and the worship *conducted by the different branches in turn*, each *turn proportionate* in *duration to the owner’s share in the joint property*. z. B. if family in its divided state is represented by *4 heads, 2 brothers*, and their *2 nephews*, sons of a 3d brother deceased, the turn or pallas of worship would be respectively 4 months, 4 months, *2 months* and *2 months* or *equimultiples* of these. (85, 86)

Nur in *Calcutta* u. andern sehr large towns the *family swarm* continues in the family hive at such dimensions. Aber in *country villages*, wo des Zamindar’s family sich maintained for many generations, much about the same thing occurs. (86)

*Maidán*, an open grass-coverd space; *mandir* a temple; *mandap* an open-sided roofed structure, or building.

*Majlis* an assembly. *Mohant* the superior of a *math* (an endowed temple od. shrine; *máth* dagegen, the open arable plain, forming the cultivated land of a village.) *Gaddi*, a seat.

#### Grave and Gay.

*inordinate love of spectacles.* (89) *Drinking* to a considerable extent. »In a portion of the Veds the *delights of intoxication* are dwelt upon, and some of the *tantric* writings [are] devoted to the encouragement of drink.« … *tarí*, spirit made [from] many sorts of saccharine juices, especially from the *juice of the tarí palm*, u. made largely in every village by crude native methods, is *evidently* of purely home origin. (90)

*Bengali of all ranks* like gambling; *cards u. dice* the common form prevaling with the middle classes. (91)

*In Bengal 2 distinct sects under the Muhammedans, Sunnís u. Shias*; both a good deal given to observances u. practices of Hinduism; the *Bengali Musulman* is nothing but a *roughly converted Hindu*. In den besten u. fruchtbarsten Theilen des Delta das *mohammedan. Element* über *60% der Bevölkerung*, im rest of *Bengal Proper* ists 30–40%; in einigen districts die villages ganz mohammed. od. ganz Hindu, aber more commonly hat jedes village sein *Mohammed. quarter* u. sein *Hindu quarter*. (91, 92)

Viele sects auch unter den Hindus, (92) pretty universally in the *rural villages Boistobs* (mit immense number of varieties u. subdivisions), *Saktas, Sivas, Ganapatyas etc*. (93) Die chief development der *Boistobs* – deren *Vishnu* ist the *Brahma* (Krishna eine seiner incarnations) – originated mit *Chaitanya*, who preached purity, meditation, *and the equality of all men*, without distinction of sect or caste, before God. And a certain freedom from caste trammels and disregard of religious observances, with an appreciation of the importance of conduct, still seem to characterise the sect. The Boistobs have been, and even now are being, *recruited from all castes*, but taken together in all their varieties … are *commonly reckoned as a sort of caste by themselves* etc. (94)

Die *Saktas* vielleicht die majority der village inhabitants; jetzt in a great deal united mit den *Saivas*, die upon *Siva (the Destroyer)* look as the primary and *more exalted form of Brahma* u. die *Saktas* speziell verehren die *divine nature in its activity*, the female forms of the supreme deity, as Dúrga od. Kalí; der Sivaite u. Sakta worship in a marked degree a worship of dogma, gorgeous ceremony, u. bloody sacrifices etc. Die Boistobs den Saktas gegenüber »Protestanten«. (94, 95)

Der *monastic order* is celibate u. in great degree erratic u. mendicant, hat aber anchorage places u. headquarters in the *maths* (Ursprünglich Bedeutung von math scheint Cell oder Chamber wie von Eremit); heutzutag typisch *math* ist an *endowed temple or shrine* mit a dwelling place for a superior (the *Mohant*) u. his disciples (Chelas); das endowment der math entweder result of a private dedication, oder aber of a grant by an already existing wealthy *math*, gegen die es in gewisser Art Subordination bleibt etc. *(96–100)*

In einzelnen Fällen the *Mohants*, either by decline from the strict path of sanctity originally marked out for them, or even in *prosecution of the founder’s purpose* ⦗für die *Stiftung*, nicht für die einzelnen Mönche⦘, make *the acquirement of wealth by trade their great object*. Sehr viel instances davon in the *north-western parts der Bengal presidency, wo numerous trader Mohants* of *great wealth* and influence *to be found*. (p. 97)

A shrine *(dargah)* of some holy Mohammedan *fakir* oft to be met with on the wayside, with *the hut or homestead* of its keeper near at hand. Passers-by of all creeds and denominations throw in their cowries and pice. (101) In a large village will be a *mandap*, i.e. a spacious *open-sided covered-in room*, wo die *village púja* festivals celebrated u. other village gatherings (as in a vestry room) occur; manchmal ist’s *pakka* structure, meist of *bamboo* u. thatch; ist usually kept up by the Zamindar. (l.c.)

#### Rural crime.

*Dakaiti* ⦗*Dakait* one of a gang of robbers⦘ or *gang robbery* (*anglice*: *dacoity*.) (*badmashes* = the bad characters of a village; *pitara*: a wicker work or other slightly-constructed box of peculiar shape) (p. 102–105) *Verfahren* (charakteristisch!) der *Polizei*. (105–107) Das Gericht. (108–110) *Mookhtar* = law agent.

*Mord for vindicating family honour* (relates to *womankind*). (111–115)

*Purely agrarian outrage* more common than any other. »*A strong sense of vested right unprotected by the arm of the law* leads in India as elsewhere to the endeavour at vindicating it by violence.« (115) Krakehle (blutige) unter den Ryots selbst. (115–118) *Affray of the Zamindar’s people on den Mandal.* (headman of the village) ⦗A *mauzah* had been sold in execution of a decree, a stranger had purchased it; der *new Zamindar takes measures for enhancing the rents of his ryots*; war successful at obtaining *kabulyats* ⦗*kabulyat* = the *counterpart of a pottah or lease*, nämlich given *by the tenant to his landlord*⦘ at increased rates from several ryots, aber der *mandal des village*, dessen example most influential, sturdily held out and led the opposition. Gegen ihn schickt der Zamindar seine retainers, with the view of capturing him and carrying him off. (Endet mit Mord v. *ein paar Leuten*; aber *Mandal Sieger* p. 118, 119) p. 119–120. Andrer case wo die Ryots gegen den *Mandal* weil er zu sehr die Seite des Zamindar in certain matters nehme; therefore resolved in „committee“ that he should be *punished and warned*, lassen ihn durch einige »charged« damit durchprügeln. (wobei er †) (120, 121)

Faction fight zwischen den Ryots verschiedner *tenure-holders*. (p. 121–123) (Todtschlägerei)

*Jangal (Jungle)* = a wood, any tract, large or small, wo das natural growth of trees, bushes, and vegetation undisturbed.

*Bhát* = boiled rice; *bigha* a landmeasure; in Bengal = about ⅓ acre; *Arhar* = kind of pulse (cytisus cajan) grown for food.

#### Administration and Landlaw.

(Dies der letzte Abschnitt (VI) dieses Buchs, der schon vorher in *Calcutta Review* gedruckt.)

A *zillah district in India*, fälschlich compared to an *Engl. county*, umfasst *area von 2–3000 □ m.* u. has population von *2 millions* f.i., während *County of Suffolk*, z. B., hat nur area v. *1,454 □ m.* u. *population of some 360,000*. Alle *European officers* of a Zillah höchstens *a dozen*, ⦗wovon ½ about kept by their duties at the Zillah station⦘, viz. *1 magistrate and collector* mit 3 od. 4 *joint assistant u. deputy magistrates, 1 district and sessions judge, 1 small court*, or subordinate judge, *1 superintendent of police, 1 assistant superintendent of police* u. *1 medical officer*. (125)

⦗Selten »has one of them a real command of the vernacular language«. (126)⦘

No taxgatherers in India (save those recently introduced, mit der *imposition of a license tax*); all taxes sind *land revenue, stamps* (needed for every proceeding in a court of justice or public office or copy of any paper filed in a court or office or document of agreement or receipt etc), *customs* u. *excise* (die *tari* u. *Salz* für Ryot vertheuert). Kürzlich *Steuervermehrung* durch imposition of a *road cess*, a small *rateable addition to the rent of each ryot*, which he pays to his rent-receiver, dieser an Government. (128, 129)

*A portion of the rent*, every cultivator of the soil pays for his plot, goes to Government as *land revenue*; es bezieht about 20½ Millions £St per annum in the shape of land revenue. (133)

Vor dem Bengal settlement of 1793 der Zemindar bekanntlich nur Steuercollector, nicht landlord. Bursche Phear says: »The area of his *zamindari* covered large districts of country and was reckoned not in *bighas* but in *communities of men* – *mauzahs*.« Seine »money proceeds« wurden nicht »spoken of as *rent*, sondern als *jamas* (collections) of the included villages«. Seine *assets* were »made up of the *jamas* of the *sub-tenures*, and the collections of the villages.« (135) The zamindar’s village *kachahri* (schon vor den Engländern) was *an office* in *each mauzah*, with a *headman*, an *accountant*, and a field officer. (hatten die früher beschriebnen duties der jetzigen Collectors etc. des Zemindar) Die kachahris von je 5 or 6 mauzahs, je nach deren size, were supervised by a *superior officer*, say a *Tehsildar*, who had his own *kachahri*, with its books and papers, either duplicates of, or made up from those of, the *mauzah kachahris*. Die collections effected by the officers of the village *kachahri* were handed over to him, and he passed them to a next high officer. So the moneys arrived at last at the *Zamindar’s* own *kachahri*; out of them he paid the Gvt revenue due from his Zemindari, and kept the rest for himself. (138)

Each middleman was so the apex and head of a structure precisely like the principal structure in form and constitution, nur mit a smaller basis. A slight disturbing force might serve to *detach* it and leave it standing by itself, or to put it into an appendent condition. (139) *(See also: Hunter: „Orissa“)* Lang vor den Engländern the original simplicity of the Zemindari system lost; there were *Zemindaris* u. *taluqs* of several orders and designations *paying revenue directly to Gvt*; innerhalb derselben wieder subordinate *taluqs u. tenures* converted from the condition of being parts of a homogeneous collecting machine into semi-independence, u. zahlend in that character a recognized *jama directly to the superior kachahri* statt to send on to it in ordinary course their respective collections. (141)

(By u. by) jeder subordinate *jama-paying »mahal«* or tenure wurde bald a miniature *zamindari*, worin gewisse *jamas* were taken in lieu of collections, and the remaining collections were made by the old machinery. *Waste Land grants or concessions* were also the origin of *taluqs*, both dependent and independent, and so, too, *jaghir* grants for services. (141, 142)

Innerhalb des village selbst – mit Bezug auf *die occupation of land* – an analogous process came into operation. The principal persons of the zemindari *amla and the headmen of the ryots* (mandals), or others of influence, and privileged persons such as *Brahmans*, often got recognized as *holding upon* fixed and *favourable terms larger portions of the village lands than they could or did cultivate*. These … they *sublet*, wholly or in part, and so arose *varieties* of *»jots«* u. ryottee-tenures. (142) Vor der legislation of 1793 die *middle tenures*, wie sie damals existed, depended for their maintenance *upon usage*, and the personal power and influence of the holder. The *ryottee-tenures u. jots* ditto regulated by *usage*, the arbitrament of the village *panchayat* u. *the Zamindari amla*; alles *customary*, involving nothing of *personal proprietary right*. (142, 143) Die Verwandlung – durch die English rogues and asses – der *Zemindars* in *private proprietors* machte eo ipso (wenn auch nicht in Idee jener asses) *all intermediate interests* zu *rights* in land, u. the owner of any such interest could encumber the land or alienate it within the limit of the right; seine ownership selbst konnte wieder die complex Hindu *joint-parcenary form* annehmen. (147, 148)

A middle tenure or interest below the revenue-paying zamindar is essentially the right, on payment of the proper *jama* to a superior holder, to make collections from the cultivators of land and to *take* the *jamas* from *subordinate holders* within a specified area. (148) The *middle tenure* of *every degree* is thus in a great measure an *account book* matter, and is very completely represented by the *jamabandi* paper. Will the owner of such a property benefit a child or a family connection, so kann er’s thun by making him a *mokarari* (= that which is fixed or established – *permanent*) *grant*, in some form, of *a portion of his collections*. (149) Allzumeist the tenure of the grantor himself amounts only to a *right to a fractional share of the rents*, etc, and then *his* grant ⦗made to child etc⦘ will *pass a fraction of a fraction*. (149–50) *Such a tenure holder* mag auch make a grant dieser Art to *a stranger in consideration of a bonus or premium*. Er mag’s auch thun um to ensure to himself, in *the shape of the rent reserved on the subject of grant, the regular receipt of money* wherewith to pay his own *jama*. Oder er mag, by *way of affording security for the repayment of a loan of money made to him*, temporarily assign to the lender under *a zar-i-peshgi ticca his tenure right of making collections*. In these or similar modes, the *Bengali tenure-holder, proprietor, zemindar* (whatever else the name) is obliged to deal with his interest when *he wants to raise money*, or to *confer a benefit*; veräussert er also nicht ganz u. gar the entirety of his interest, wozu er nur selten Zuflucht nimmt, wenn er’s vermeiden kann – so klar that in each instance he *creates a fresh set of proprietary rights*. (150)

Was ferner a middle *tenure or right of land als Gegenstand of joint ownership* angeht, so z. B. eine *ganze share* of a village (oder of any number of villages) sei = 16 annas (= 1 Re.); nun habe einer a *fractional share*, say a *9½ annas share*; dies kann statthaben in *3 od. 4 verschiednen* Formen. Es kann bedeuten, 1): the tenure holder has a *mokarari* (permanent) right to the rents and dues arising out of a *specified portion of the area of the village which is separated from the rest by metes and bounds*; and bears to the entirety the *proportion of 9½: 16*. Oder: 2) in *certain parts of the area* covered by the grant he has *a sole right to the rents*, and in *other* parts to *a fractional portion only*, so arranged that in the whole he gets *9½ out of 16 annas* of *the entire profits of the area* etc. Meist incidental to his right, dass er das ihm Zuständige can *collect by his own officers at his own kachahri*; vielleicht hat er aber auch nur das Recht to *draw his fractional share of the net collections* made at a *joint-kachahri* belonging, so to speak, to several shareholders. (151, 152) Aber der owner dieser *mokarari tenure of 9½ annas of property* usually a *joint-family*, or a group of persons representing an original joint-family: alle Glieder solcher Gruppe haben jedes *seine eigne share in the tenure*, which, although existing in a state undivided from the rest, is capable of *being assigned to a purchaser* separately from them. Ausserdem, very often, *each member of the group* can, as between himself and his shareholders, *insist upon having an actual partition of the subject of tenure*. Sobald dies geschehn wird er *by himself* separately entitled to a fraction z. B. der 9½ anna tenure; sage zu ⅙ derselben; dann seine *besondre share of the rents and profits accruing from the area covered by the tenure*, subject of course to the payment of the superior rent or *jama*, is ⅙ of 9½ annas = *1 anna 9 pie*. So das *mauzah* selbst, the *unit* in terms of which the *zamindari* calculated, comes to be divided into small portions; u. der *rent-receiver* who stands *to a particular ryot in the position of zamindar* kann sein u. ist oft a very small man indeed. z. B. der ryot may have to pay the whole of his rent to the *patwári* of the *1 anna 7 pie* shareholder, or to pay *1 anna 7 pie out of 16 annas of his rent to him*, and the remainder to the other shareholders separately, or in groups; or he may have to pay *the entirety of his rent* to the joint-kachahri from which each shareholder will get his share on division. (153, 154)

This system of sub-infeudation and subdivision of joint-interests, accompanied by severalty of right, *prevails universally throughout Bengal*. (154) Daher beispiellose complexity of landed interests u. keiner hat ein Interesse improvements des land zu machen. (l.c.)

Unter diesem System die *locally resident zamindars* generally small shareholders of subordinate tenures, deren means nicht greatly superior to those of the well-to-do ryots. (155)

Die *lands of a village* broadly unterscheidbar in 2 sets: the *ryottee lands* (the bulk of the village area, the *village lands*) einerseits, u. andrerseits the Zamindar’s ⦗in letzter instance der dem government revenue-paying Zamindar⦘ Land, *ziraat, khamar, nij-jot* or *sir-lands* (auch noch andre terms dafür). (155, 156) In Bengal heisst das erstere Land meist the ryot’s *»jot«*. (156) Wenn dieser wieder sub-lets, so his lessee derives everything from him and goes out of possession with him whenever he goes (erhält also nie a sub-tenure properly so called). (157) By *legislative enactment, actual occupation* of the same land for a period of 12 years confers upon the ryot (if he has it not otherwise, by custom etc) a *personal right of occupation* on payment of a fair and reasonable rent; and occupation for 20 years at a *uniform rate of rent* generally confers a *right of occupation* at that rate. A very *large number of ryots in Bengal* have in one way or another acquired *permanent rights of occupancy* in the land which they cultivate, but the *remainder*, a *larger number, merely occupy*, on payment of the rents and dues which usually have been paid to the Zemindar’s *kachahri* in respect of their land; meist *much less in rate than rents paid by agricultural tenants in Engld*. Zemindar kann theoretically verlangen was ihm gutdünkt before the commencement of every year, u. turn this class of ryot out, if he does not agree, but seldom does so. (157–58)

*On ziraat, khamar, nij-jot, or sir-lands* Zamindar kann das Land auf eigne Rechnung bebauen, or put in cultivators on *any terms* which they agree to accept; sie sind seine *tenants*, er ihr *landlord* im (europäischen) ordinary sense of the word; hier hat der Zamindar unqualified ownership in land … – in *ryottee lands* the *use* belongs to the ryots. (158–59)

In einigen Theilen Bengal’s, *jots* od. *ryottee* interest in *considerable tracts of unreclaimed jungle*, or *otherwise waste lands*, have at times been granted, of a *perpetual character, upon insignificant rents*; das land afterwards *sub-let* to cultivators. In solchen Fällen nicht zu unterscheiden between the *jot-dar* u. an ordinary middle tenure-holder. (159)

#### Ways and Means.

Fast absence of the means of intercommunication between village and village, and between one portion of a rural district and another. (161) there is *not a stone*, or *anything harder than clay*, to be found in the soil of the delta; and the floods of the rainy season break down, and sometimes almost obliterate, such roadways as have not been expensively constructed by skilled engineers. (162)

The vehicles in use for the carriage of goods are *boats*, the *heads of men and women, little tiny bullocks*, and *bambu carts of very rude construction*; when well-to-do people travel they are carried in *palkis* and *doolies*, or go by boat. In the *dry season* the *men*, the *bullocks*, and the *carts* can and do go anywhere. The *local traffick* usually takes place *in detail of very small quantities*. The *dána* (= grain) or other *seed* is *trodden out* by *the bullocks* at the *khaliān* almost on the plot where it is grown. ⦗In some districts wie in *Chota Nagpore*, a *rude handflail* is used for thrashing grain⦘; and both the grain and the straw are very easily carried to the homestead on the heads of the various members of the ryot’s family. The *surplus produce*, if any, of the ryot which does not go to his *mahajan* passes in little items to the nearer *hāts*, and so becomes diffused over the neighbouring *mauzahs*, or is carried on further to the larger *hāts*, the *mahajan* u. the *modi* affording the only village depôts. The larger hāts again, or local centres of country produce trade, are *commonly situated on roads or khāls*. The produce trader here, by his agents, *gathers in the result of his scattered purchases*, and sends it away in carts or boats; and thus the *outflow* takes place very evenly. (163, 164)

It is often said, *on occasions of scarcity or famine*, that the *stream will not reverse itself when necessary*. (164) Aber die Sache die: *As long as the ryots are able to pay the requisite retail price*, the village *mahajans* u. *modis* will succeed in *keeping up their stocks*, *whatever* the *local deficiency* may be. (164, 165) Aber wenn *season of scarcity* approaches sind beide, *mahajan* u. *modi »inactive«*. They know very accurately the extent of their clients’ and customers’ means. Der *mahajan* naturally enough declines to increase his stock at great cost to himself, *when his clients are already hopelessly involved in debt to him*; u. der village *modi* for like reason will not lay in a stock at abnormal prices to retail it to those who cannot pay for what they purchase. *This state of things would be completely changed* if neither the *mahajan* nor the village dealer *had reason* to *doubt the ability of the ryot to pay a remunerating price for imported food*. (165) It is the *occurence of pauperism in the ryots*, when a certain price of food-stuffs is reached, *which throws the ordinary machinery out of gear*. (166)

Was aber in times of scarcity the *Government activity* betrifft etc ⦗*paralysirt diese sich selbst* to a great extent, dies der sense of the »Kohl« of Phear, aber sehr richtig dies.⦘ Was thut Gvt in emergencies of this sort? Errichtet »relief works on a large scale, where great numbers of people«, *drawn from their homes*, are massed together within limited areas; *grain* in *cosiderable quantities* ist *transported from the outside to certain local centres*, for the support of those engaged on these works and for the distribution so far as practicable by the hands of the local committees. (166) Die *preparations des Government* für dies unusual work *themselves very greatly hinder ordinary traffic in rural lines of route*; *boats and carts* etc, have to be *collected* – *even impressed* – in all directions, and *become locked up for days and weeks, before they are actually wanted*, damit sie certainly ready when needed. So, nicht *nur while gvt is importing, sondern long before it commences to do so, private enterprise is left without a vehicle*. (167) Die *Govmt method of proceeding* hat direct tendency to *remove the pressure upon the village mahajans* u. *modis* u. to *make the market which they supply* noch unsichrer, indem das *Gvt draws away as many persons as possible*, u. zwar die able-bodied rather than the infirm, *from their homes*, u. wirkt ebenso by supplying grain. – As soon as Gvt announces its anticipation of a famine and its intention to take extraordinary measures of prevention, *all natural effort at the village end of the system ceases*. (168)

*Peon* (for *Piada*) = footman (inferior servants of a Zemindar or landholder); *Sandúk* or *sinduk* = a wooden chest;

*Ryot* = – *Raiyat*, originally a *subject*, jetzt peasant;

*Rabi od. Rubbee* = The *March and April period of the year*; the *harvest season of the crops sown or planted after the cessation of the monsoon rains in September or October of the preceding year*.

*Táluq* = a dependency; *Tehsildar* or *Tahsildar*, one who collects rents or revenue.

*Top, od. tope, od. topu* – a grove of fruit-bearing trees.

Zu bemerken dass *Tári* od. *tádi* vulgarly *toddy* the juice of palm tree, fermented or unfermented; auch *spirit* made v. other sources.

### Ueber die Means der agricultural families in Eastern Bengal: sieh Memorandum, dem Phear zugestellt von Baboo Ram Sundar Basack, of Dacca. Phear giebts in »Appendix«, Note A

Value of Property possessed by different classes of Ryots. (p. 284)

| Classes of Ryot. | *House.* | *House-hold Ustensils* | *Sinduks.* | *Charpoys.* | *Clothes incl. Kantha u. Pillow.* | *Ornaments.* | Articles in Cookroom. | *Gola* articles. | *Cattle.* | *Ploughs.* | *Daos* etc. | *Boat.* | *Total* |
|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|---|
| | Rs. As. P. | Rs. As. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | R. A. P. | Rs. As. P. |
| 1st class | 162. 8. 0 | 22. 0. 0 | 12. 4. 0 | 1. 0. 0 | 18. 8. 0 | 45. 0. 0. | 3. 0. 0. | 95. 0. 0. | 80. 0. 0 | 8. 0. 0 | 5. 0. 0 | 25. 0. 0 | 477. 4. 0 |
| 2nd class | 112. 8. 0 | 15. 8. 0 | 3. 8. 0 | 1. 0. 0 | 10. 8. 0 | 30. 0. 0 | 3. 0. 0 | 45. 0. 0 | 40. 0. 0 | 5. 0. 0 | 3. 0. 0 | 15. 0. 0 | 283. 0. 0 |
| 3d class | 35. 0. 0 | 10. 0. 0 | 0. 12. 0 | 1. 0. 0 | 5. 8. 0 | 11. 0. 0 | 3. 0. 0 | 25. 0. 0 | 20. 0. 0 | 3. 0. 0 | 2. 0. 0 | vacat | 116. 4. 0 |
| Last class | | | | | | | | | | | | | 25. 0. 0 |

*Charpoy* = a *frame of wood*, having a web of tape or cord stretched across it, and resting upon 4 short legs. *Dao* billhook or cleaver.

Ist class of ryots; cultivate 15 bigas and upwards and have a family of 1 or 2 brothers u. 4 or 5 grown-up sons. Ihre Zahl sehr gering.

II class〃〃; cultivate 8 or 10 bigas, mit about 3 or 4 male adults in the family. Ihre Zahl > als die der first class. Ein ryot hat oft no other adult male in the family to assist him, but capital enough to employ labourers, gehört dann zu 1st od. 2nd class.

III class〃〃 4 or 5 bigas, have 1 son or brother or nobody to assist them (können daher nur 4–5 bigas bebauen). Bilden die Majorität.

IV class: a large number; haben 1 or 2 bigas of land, sustain themselves u. family mainly by working for others on hire; sind labourers more properly than regular cultivators. 275, 276

| *Ist class* | haben generally 4 thatched houses in good condition to inclose the quadrangle together, mit *3 or 4 out-houses* to serve as the *dhenkighur* (*dhenki* a pestle u. mortar chiefly used to husk and clean rice), *cowshed* u. *gola*. Das Haupthaus unter den 4 inclosing the quadrangle costs generally *Rs 30 or 40*, the labour being supplied by themselves. Die other houses kosten generally about Rs 20 or 25. Cost of house erection für such a family daher *Rs. 150 or 175 Rs*. |
|---|---|
| *IInd class* | ausser den 4 des quadrangle nur 1 od. 2 outhouses; ihre value altogether Rs 100–125. |
| *IIId class*, | has 1 or 2 houses with a cowshed, or 1 or 2 single thatched houses to serve as kitchen, dhenkighur etc. Der value dieser houses Rs 30–40. |

Die values hier estimated at *cost of erection*; if sold in good condition fetch generally less, variirt aber (sale price) mit condition, situation, demand etc.

*Ist class* ryot has generally a *brass kalsi* (*kalsi* = a *large water pot*) 3 or 4 *lotahs* (*lotah* or *pali* = tumbler), *4 or 5 thalas* (plates), 1 or 2 batis (*bati* = 1 cup), *1 boughna (brass vessel)* or 2 iron pans. The *quantity of brass* forming these ustensils about *12 or 15 seers*; when bought the *cost per seer* von *Re. 1 8a. to Rs 2*; when sold the price varies von 12a. (annas) to Re. 1 4a. per seer. On the whole the value of these ustensils = *Rs 20*. – The *iron basins* and *1 or 2 china plates* in the case of Mahommedans, u. *country earthenware pots and dishes* to be valued at *couple of rupees*.

*Baskets* u. other utensils made of *bamboos* or *cane-work*, wie *jhakee, dalli, kula, dalla, katta* u. *dhama*, or measure of capacity, may be valued at *1 Re*.

Bei *IInd class ryots* the total *quantity of brass* about 8 or 10 seers = Rs. 8 12, or 15; the other *class of utensils* at Rs. 2.

A *IIId class ryot* has generally 1 or 2 brass *lotahs* (tumblers), 1 or 2 thalas, sometimes a *boughna*; quantity = 5 seers, about = Rs. 8. Die *earthen u. bamboo utensils* same as in 2 *nd* class, for the want of brass utensils to be supplied by these.

Unter *Ist class ryots* haben *nur wenige* anything like the *sinduk*, stets in *the house of a trading class* in the village. Preis = *15–20 Rs*. Statt der regular family *sinduks* haben die ryots dieser Klasse meist *one small chest of mangoe* or other inferior wood, and *1 or 2 petaras* (od. *pitara* (see oben)) constructed of matted cane, zu price von Rs. 2 to 4 (die petaras kosten ebensoviel). Ausserdem haben meiste Ryots od. deren females *1 or 2 small wooden or tin boxes* to keep cash, ornaments od. other valuables. *Price* davon 1½ Rs. Gesammtvalue dieser chests, boxes etc = *6–8 Rs*.

*IId class families* haben generally *1 petara* and 1 small box or 2, about = 3 or 4 Rs.

*IIId class ryots* haben höchstens *jhaels* or *small petaras* in some cases, v. Price = about 1½ Rs.

The *general custom* to keep the valuables hidden in *earthenware pots* kept under the ground or outside.

Mit sehr wenigen Ausnahmen haben die Ryots keine *chowkees* or *charpoys* etc. Statt dessen different spreadings on the floor, at night for the bedding. *1 Re.* for each family … average value of spreadings for all sects of ryots. *All ryots* use *chhalas* or *gunny bags* to sit upon, which are, when occasion requires, used also to *hold* grains.

*Seats of various kinds* made of *bamboo slips, canes*, and *splinters of betel-nut tree*, and of *small planks* called *peera* or *low stools*; so small in size that they can hold only one man on each.

Each ryot *male* or female has *2 dhutees of coarse Manchester cloth for ordinary use* while out of work about *12 feet long* and *3 feet broad*. In well-to-do families haben ausserdem namentlich die females *country sharees* u. *zenana coats*, and men *chaddars*, manchmal *peerans*. Für die *Wintersaison* haben elderly men u. women *chaddars of thick cloth*, while *at work* they use very narrow and short *gamchas* or worn out clothes turned into smaller size. *No difference among the different classes* as to *the clothes possessed by a family* ausser soweit dies depends *upon the number of individuals* in each. Der *average value of clothes* belonging to each individual male u. female, about *Rs 2*.

*Dhutee:* a piece of Manchester cloth, known in the bazaar as *longcloth* or *American drill; Shari*, a piece of cloth put on by women having borders of different colours; *Chadars* or sheet – a piece of American drill or long cloth measuring about 9 feet in length; *Peeran* or shirt, a coat newly introduced into fashion of American drill or longcloth. *Gamcha* or *napkin*, a piece of cloth short in breadth and length. *Kantha*, quilt stuffed with rags.

In *Ist class* (ryot) *family*, of 12 persons, *4 of whom may be left out of consideration, in consideration of the different persons wearing the same clothes*, the value der clothes = *Rs 15 or 16*; In *IId class* of *about 7 persons*, wo *3 persons may be left out* for same reason, *average value of clothes* = *Rs 8 or 9; in IIId class families* of 2 or 3 individuals, clothvalue = Rs 4 or 5.

In addition to these *Rs 3, 2, and 1* may be taken as the average value of *leps* (quilt), *kanthas*, and *pillows* belonging to a family of Ist, IInd, and IIId class ryot respectively.

*Ornaments: adult males use none*; boys have sometimes *brass or silver bangles* for the hands and *mandulees* or *patta* to hang from the neck; *women* use *ornaments of various kinds made of gold or silver* and *sometimes of brass*, als da sind:

*Nath*, a *ring* for the nose; *Besar*, an ornament hung from the nose; *Dana beads for the neck used by Hindus*, but very seldom; *Kalse* ornaments for arms; *Balla* = bangles; *Mul* or *kharu-anklets*; *Churi, bracelet* used by Mahommedans; *Hasli*, a large ring round the neck. – On the whole, the *value of ornaments* belonging to a *Ist class family* = Rs 40–50. (Women whose husbands are living, when *Mahommedans* use *churi of silver or of lac*, u. when *Hindu* a pair of shell bracelets.) für *IInd class family* about *Rs 30*, für *IIId class family* about *Rs 10 or 15*.

*Im cookhouse* kaum article ausser *pata* (a flat stone) und *puta* (a stone muller) for grinding condiments in addition to *brass and earthen pots*. So: *Ghotee*, a brass or earthen water-pot; *Raing*, an earthen pot used in cooking rice; *Patil*, an earthen basin used in cooking curry; *Shara*, an *earthen cover* for a pot; *Jhajree*, an earthen vessel for straining water when washing rice etc; *Hatta*, an iron or wooden *ladle or spoon* used in cooking; *Bowlee* an iron *tongs* used in catching pots when warm; *Tagaree*, a wooden bowl for holding things cooked.

Diese, zus. mit *dhenki, ukti* u. *mosal* (a large wooden mortar u. pestle) to be valued about *3 Rs.* for each family.

Ryots keep generally, according to their circumstances, *a quantity of rice, mustard etc, for consumption during the year, and seeds for next year’s cultivation*; the value for *1st class* 90–100 Rs, *2nd class* Rs 40–50, *3d class* Rs 25.

*Cattle: Ist class family 8 or 10 cows* and bullocks, manchmal a couple of *goats or sheep*; in case of *Mahommedans* a number of fowls; *IInd class family* 4 or 5 cows, u. a *IIId class* 2 or 3; the *value of cattle* for *Ist Rs 70, IInd* Rs 40, IIId Rs 20.

*Instruments*: A *Ist class family* besitzt about *8–10 ploughs* u. *3 or 4 harrows*, valued at *Rs 8*; for *IInd u. IIId class* respectively value der ploughs Rs 5 u. Rs 3.

*A Ist class family* hat generally *3 daos, 4 or 5 kachees, 2 kodalees* or *spades, 1 khuntee* (a digging hoe) u. *an axe*: Gesammtvalue *Rs 5*; *IInd u. IIId class* selben articles in less numbers, of value of Rs 3 u. Rs 2 respectively.

*Boats:* Ryots living in *low lands u. fields* etc, watered by annual inundation, and *on river side*, have generally a *dingee* (a small boat) of value of *Rs 10–30*. Dieses Luxus »instrument« nur bei Ist u. IInd class ryots, *sehr selten* bei IIId class.

*The large IV class* hat im allgemeinen a *single house*, a *brass lota* or *thalla*, or *a stone or wooden plate and cane* or *bamboo basket* etc, and nothing in the way of a *sinduk* or *charpoys*; 1 or 2 mats and kanthas and pillows and a couple of *dhutees*, a *plough*, a *harrow, a dao*, a *kodalee*, a *kachee* u. manchmal *a cow or 2; value des ganzen Krams* in average may be estimated at *Rs 25*.

*Kodál or Kodáli:* a *hoe*, by means of which the work of the *spade, the shovel*, and the *hoe* alike is done.

*Kathak:* a professional story teller; one who recites traditional poems etc.

*Láthi, or Láttee:* a stick or bludgeon, usually of bamboo, heavily ringed and feruled with metal; *Morha*, a stool.

*Mulla or Mulána:* one who has charge of the village mosque, Mahommedan schoolmaster.

*Kachcha:* Raw, crude, immature, incomplete; *Pakka:* ripe, mature, complete.

*Nirkh*, a *standard* or *customary rate*, as of *rent*, etc.

*Pálla*, a *turn* (Reihe die an einen kommt) as of worship, or enjoyment of property.

*Dhoti:* the cloth worn round the loins; *Bhát*, boiled rice;

*Ghát:* the landing slope, or steps, on the bank of a river, or of a tank; the pass up a mountain or ridge of hills, sometimes the line of the hill itself.

*Jágir, Jághir*, a *service tenure* of land or revenue; *Jalkar-wála*, one who has rights of fishing.

Folgt nun die 2te Abtheilung v. *Phear’s* book über Ceylon. Dieser Bursch residirte 10 Jahre in Calcutta; lebte in Ceylon *1877–79. Das 3d* Paper *(Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social u. Land System)* was read *1872* durch den Burschen vor *der Bethune Society of Calcutta*.

### II) The Agricultural Economy in Ceylon.

#### 1) The Village Economy.

Island of Ceylon = a Pear; the *circular portion* of the Pear occupied by a *mass of mountains rising manchmal to 7–8000 feet*, bordered at its base with a margin of lower land which continues to the coast on all sides. (173)

The *New North Central Province*, constituted on *6. Sept. 1873*, for administrative purposes, covers the *mid-island portion of the Northern plain … interminable jungle in a state of nature*, dotted very sparsely with tiny specks of yellow-green cultivation mit some few *pools of water or tanks* … the surface nicht absolutely flat, sondern mit *considerable undulation* an einigen Stellen, an andern *broken by low ridges or rounded bosses of gneiss*. In der Regel die *pools* seem by origin nur *accumulations of water* in *natural depressions of the ground* as have *no outlet sufficiently low to drain them* … aber *their depth u. size* in most instances *artificially increased* durch an *earthen bund* or *embankment*, thrown across the lower side of the depression. In den drier seasons des Jahrs, as the water bulk shrinks back *towards the bund*, i.e. towards the deeper side, it withdraws from the *greater portion of the tank space*, so that the *jungle* is enabled to flourish there (as it also does *on the embankment itself*) eben so vigorously als überall sonst in the surrounding tracts. Daher schwer *den tank zu sehn*, selbst wenn man in seiner Nähe. Und when der *tank voll*, much of it closely resembles *a circuit of flooded forest*. (173–75)

*Anuradhapura*, the classic city of the *Mahawansa*, für 7–800 Jahre die metropolis der successiv regierenden dynasties ruling over the larger portion of Ceylon, dann für eben so lange Zeit left to decay, is sehr nah dem *Mittelpunkt* der neuen Provinz. Ihre nachträgl. Bevölkerung (*1871* nur 16 to □ m., the inhabitants of the rural villages u. the modern bazar counted together) für sehr lange Periode, bis lately, preserved by the remoteness u. inaccessibility of its situation v. *disturbing action of foreign influences of [any] kind*, daher dort a »*living specimen* typical« sehr primitiver agricultural economy u. civilization. (175–6)

Die *People* are *Singhalese* u. class themselves mit den *Kandyan* or *highlanders* im Unterschied v. den low-country *Singhalese* who border on the coast of either side; sehr verschieden von den comparatively slight-limbed, black-complexioned *Tamils*, who constitute the population of the Northern portion des Island. (176, 77) Die *Singhalese language* belongs to the *Aryan group*, apparently sprung from a root closely allied to the *Sanscritic prakrits of Northern India*; aber die *Singhalese people* haben Aussehn das hindeutet auf intermixture of an Aryan mit some other, yellow-tinted, coarsely-built, ethnic element; sind broad-shouldered, deep-chested, muscular, with *a pronounced calf to the leg*, like all *Mongolian* peoples, unlike the *Aryans of India*; schlagendste peculiarity – *excessive hairiness* of *both male and female*. Dies findet sich nicht bei den best bekannten mongolischen Stämmen; aber die *Ainos*, a *Turanian race on the extreme east of Asia*, possess this extraordinary capillary development in noch höherem Grad. (177–78)

The *Tamil* inhabitants der Northern Province, sind *ununterscheidbar* von their brethren of the *mainland of India*, with their slight build, black skin, thick lips, open nostrils, coarse hair; they belong unmistakably to the *Dravidian* race. (179)

*Exceptionally*, auf den Grenzmarken der Tamil u. Singhalese districts, to be found *low caste villages*, wo no pure type of either kind preserved. (l.c.)

Ausser der distribution der population des Districts *by agricultural villages* Fälle of *petty u. often ephemeral bazars* sprung up at convenient places along the highways – gradually as these have been opened out through the forest, perhaps never kept by the Kandyans, sondern nur durch low country Singhalese, Moormen, or Tamils. (l.c.)

*Controlling element des village* – the *paddy tract or paddy field* which is itself »*a function* of the supply of water«. (179, 180) Meist das field *attached*, or appended to, a *tank* u. ist oft *strikingly tiny* im Verhältniss zum *size des entire tank*; es wird *irrigirt* by the flow of water passing out from the tank *through a masonry culvert* (Abzugskanal) piercing the lowest part of the *retaining bund* u. öfter noch through a breach or cutting made in the bund itself u. die *Lage (the lie) des Feldes* so, dass the outflow of water can be made to *flood the whole of it* in a succession of flats, *to the lowest* and most remote from it; the line of soil surface from side to side being almost always *horizontal* throughout. Je nach dem local Character des ground hat das *field* more or less irregular shape, with its longer extention stretching away from the tank bund. Sonst ist es *a simple clearing in that universal jungle prevailing on all sides*, selbst bedeckend the actual bund of the tank, and very much of the tank bottom itself. (180)

*Jedem Feld* entspricht a *gama* or *village*, i.e. group of homesteads wo die cultivators live; selten hat a village *mehr als ein field*; die Gruppe steht im Jungle neben dem field, obscured by trees, and *next the bund*; exhibits gewöhnlich no order of arrangement. Die *einzelne homestead*, wenn ihr owner well to do, a *low, thatched, mud-wattled hut*, of perhaps 2 unlighted rooms opening upon the diminutive *veranda*, deren floor die *earth platform* der hut, u. deren roof its projecting eaves; in front dieser hut *small, mud-plastered attawas*, or *roofed cylinders of wicker-work*, raised upon supports for *storage of grain*. (ist equivalent der *golas* of Bengal) Auf einer Seite steht ausserdem *a large open shed*, with its little *loft* for *cattle* (if the cottier has any), *implements, curry grinder, rice pounder* (the *dhenki* of Bengal), etc. Under the *back eaves of hut* auch a *place for ploughs*, the *surface-smoother, harrows etc*. Abutting upon the little homestead’s curtilage, or partially enclosing it, – a *garden* or *loosely cultivated plot for fruit trees*, condiments, curry vegetables (*sāg* of Bengal) etc; the whole meist ill kept and neglected; die different homesteads der village group von einander getrennt durch irregular, ill-defined, muddy tracks. (181, 182)

An Spitze a *territorial head*, wird in diesen *modern days* (fälschlich!) *»proprietor des village«* genannt; er Nachfolger des primitive chieftain; er mag jetzt die *Krone* (engl.) sein, or a *religious foundation*, or a private Singhalese gentleman. (182)

Das *village field*, or *paddy tract, divided into portions by parallel balks drawn across it from side to side at right angles to the line of water-flow*; each such portion *hereditary share* of some one person or family resident in or belonging to the village. The *principal portion* or *share* – genannt *Mottettuwa* (*Ziraat* in Bengal) gehört dem *head des village*; alle andern shareholders haben dem Burschen to make *some contribution of produce in kind*, or *to render him some defined and specific service, domestic or agricultural*. Dies distinction of tenure – produce in kind oder aber service – entspricht genau den *raiotti* (Ryots) u. *lakhiraj* conditions of holding in Bengal. Nur der Unterschied: In *Bengal* die *raiotti holding* (holding by contributing of share of produce) is the *prevalent form* u. *lakhiraj* holding die exception; in *Ceylon* the holding by rendering of service *nilakariya* is (or rather was) all but universal, and the other the exception. ⦗Dies beweist, dass *Ceylon form* die primitivere; denn der Dorfälteste or villagechief war kein landlord, hatte keine »rent« zu beziehn, wurde abgefunden durch »services«⦘ In Bengal the service of the *lakhiraj holding* stets free u. honourable, such as that of the *priest, doctor, watchman* etc; in *Ceylon* that of the *nilakariya* is usually menial. (183, 84)

Meist a *plurality of villages* have a *common head*, u. früher the household establishment of a wealthy native chieftain kept up by *turns of menial service* discharged by villagers, drafted from the many villages in due order upon the footing of their land tenure obligation. Jetzt the *service tenure* has so to say become *freehold* (?). Wo a *Buddhist Vihara*, or temple, was oft in der North Central Province, der personal service der hier special forms bekleidet, as: *maintaining illuminations, thatching* or doing other *repairs* to the *pansala* (the Buddhist priest’s residence) etc, noch in vollem Gange. (184, 85)

Die *administrative organization*, zur Perception der services für das head of the village, bestand aus 1 or 2 officials, the *Gamerale* (the village man), the *Lekham* (writer or accountant) etc. Some of the *more wealthy of the shareholders in the village field, probably by reason of being by family origin of the same blood with the chieftain*, hold their share by the *service* of *filling hereditarily one of these offices*, or of yielding hospitality to the *head of the village*, when he comes, or to any other visitors whom the village receives. (185–86)

Einige dieser services bestehn in doing *smiths’, carpenters’, dhobis’ work* or even that of the *doctor* (Vederale). Im village selbst diese persons paid in their turn by their fellow villagers for their *professional* or *artisan’s functions*, either by *labour done for them in the tilling of their shares of the village field*, or *by a quota of the paddy* on *the payer’s threshing-floor*, measured out and delivered when the harvest completed. Other service consists in *supplying the village head* mit *oil, betel-nuts, honey from the jungle, game* etc. (186)

Viel wichtiger the *combined action on the part of the villagers for their joint benefit*, necessitated by the *exigencies of cultivation under the primitive conditions* obtaining in the North Central Province, and indeed allgemein in Ceylon, z. B. *fencing the village field every season against the wild animals of the jungle which surrounds it; kein einzelner shareholder könnte unaided execute the whole work*; u. wenn ein *Riss* (Mangel, *flaw*) in it irgendwo so ist *every shareholder’s plot open to invasion*; jeder shareholder so direct interessirt in this work, has to bear *his portion of it in proportion to his share in the field*. Ebenso wenn *a breach* im bund (Damm) to be *filled* up, or *some repair* to be done to it, dies done by all the *shareholders jointly furnishing* out of their families or dependents, *each in due proportion*, a *continual supply of labour in successive relays until the work is done*. (187)

Obgleich jeder shareholder in the village paddy field, hat *erbliches Recht in his plot* u. *right of cultivating it exclusively*, dennoch *the mode of cultivation* which is generally pursued *connects him* … in *almost every step of his tilling with his neighbours, above* and *below*, either in a dominant or a serviant character. Der *Process* der *Zubereitung u. clearing the soil for the seed sowing or planting*, of *killing the weeds and keeping them down*, and of *promoting the growth of the paddy plant*, is *from beginning to end* in a large degree effected *by the aid of successive submersions of the plot*, which have to be varied as regards the depth of water *according to the process and the stage of it*. Commonly *3 prolonged submersions* in the *course of tilling*, and *7 shorter ones* during the *growth of the plant*. Da die *submergence of a relatively lower plot* generally *means the submergence of the plots above it*, while the *paddy plant* cannot be depended upon to *grow equally fast in all the plots*, hence, damit *kein risk* of *one shareholder’s operations destroying the young plants of his neighbours*, usual rule dass the *shareholder at the lower end of the field should commence the operations of the tilling season in his plot before any one else*, and so get a safe start of the man next above him. *Selbe order followed by all the others in succession*. (188–89)

Wenn in einem Jahr, von *Mangel an Wasserzufuhr* od. sonst welchem Grund T *nur ein Theil des village paddy field can be effectively cultivated*, wird *that limited portion taken as the whole u. is divided unter den village shareholders as the original entirety was*. Die Entscheidung darüber genommen *durch die shareholders as a body*. Dies jetzt nicht überall known in practice, aber ist oft vorgesehn in the *newly framed Gansabawa* rules, *at the instance of the villagers themselves*, to indicate that it was a deeply rooted ancient custom. (189)

Ganz unabhängig v. den relations zum head of the village, daher in each village of the North Central Province (u. in fact prevailing universally) Beamte, the *vel vidahne* u. others *chosen by the shareholders* to *control and carry* out *the system of fencing, ploughing, sowing, shifting of allotment, when necessary* etc or generally *the internal agricultural economy des village*. (190)

Die *Reis production der irrigated fields* nicht genügend to form even the *principal portion of the shareholder’s support* in der Mehrzahl der villages dieser Provinz. Der *ordinary staple of life* the *dry grain*, *korakkan*, grown upon the *upland*, i.e. on *merely unwatered ground*, or ground which the flow of the water cannot be made to reach. A *piece of the forest* which surrounds the village and the village paddy field, is *felled and burnt*, and a *crop of korakkan* is raised thereupon *for* a *couple of consecutive years at most*, when the *clearing is allowed to relapse into jungle* again; and *this process is not repeated on the same spot for another 10 years at least*. (190–91) This *process* of *chena clearing* is *often done* in the North Central Province by *the joint action of the village shareholders*, under the management of their own officers; and *sometimes the whole course of cultivation which follows is also joint, with a partition only of the produce*. Manchmal aber auch, nachdem the clearing effected, *the land* is *divided u. allotted previously to the cultivation*; dies immer in case *of the plots required for the growth of each household’s vegetables* or *curry stuff*. (191) (cabbage garden) – In den *Maritime Provinces* scheint dies *System of joint clearing* unbekannt; jeder who has *chena land* scheint to own it absolutely, cultivates u. clears it himself at long intervals, or *gets this done for him on some terms of anda* letting. (191–92)

In einigen wenigen instances, it is said, *forest u. chena ground* recognized as *appurtenant to the village* in dem Sinn: die *shareholders des village paddy field* können ohne Erlaubniss of head of village od. Government *clear and cultivate* in oben beschriebner Art *any portion* on the *foundation of*, and *in proportion to their village holdings*. Generally the *Crown* (John Bull) asserts a paramount claim to all jungle u. waste land wherever situated, which has not been before appropriated to actual use; *no tree* (!) can be felled or *chena* cultivated thereon ausser mit gvt license. (192)

Das *actual work of tilling* meist verrichtet durch jeden villager by the hands of his family; *paddy cultivating* speciell so respectable, fast of sacred character, dass *women* unwürdig daran Theil zu nehmen, u. dürfen sich nicht zeigen on the *threshing floor*, namentlich wenn der so called *hill paddy*, or more highly valued sort of rice grain, is being threshed. (192–93)

Wenn der shareholder ist Weibsperson ohne Kinder, oder er anderweitig beschäftigt, od. gut genug dran *to be able to abstain from manual labour*, dann common arrangement dass his share *cultivated for him by another person upon the terms of this latter*, die dann renders dem shareowner *a specified share of produce*; dies benamst a letting in *ande*, i.e. *half share*; meist, vielleicht fast immer, the *agreed upon share* = *½ the produce both in straw and paddy*; der cultivator muss ausserdem give a share to the responsible servant usually sent by the shareowner to remain on the ground and look after his interests *from the day of reaping to the day of partition*, and having moreover to feed this man during the interval. (193–94)

Fast alle *vicarious cultivation* assumes this shape; *not known: letting the land for a money rent*; existirt ditto *no class of agricultural labourers, working on the land of another for money hire*. In fact, in dem *rein agricultural village* of Ceylon – *practically* no money *in use*. Vielleicht Mehrzahl der villagers haben *nicht paddy enough to last them for food till next season of harvest* or *for seed*, oder haben no *plough* or no *oxen*. Diese erhalten sie *when* and *as* they are required, vom *Capitalist des village*, on the terms of setting apart for him on the threshing floor *a certain stipulated quantity or share of the produce in return for each item of loan*. Ebenso remunerated the services des Vederale, village blacksmith u. other artisans. *Selbes* mag *manchmal vorkommen auch in* the *matter of land labour*, aber *general custom for neighbouring shareholders* to *mutually assist one another in this particular when* needed. (194–95) Der *head of the village* mit Bezug auf his *muttettuwa* has this cultivated *umsonst* under Aufsicht of the officers *by the turns of tillage service due to him* from those of the villagers whose tenures involve the service; cultivirt er in this way, so gehört ihm das ganze Product des harvest. Aber auch er zieht oft vor to dispense with these services u. to let out the *muttettuwa* land in *ande* (*ande* on terms of receiving a specified, *originally half*, share of the produce). (195) Die gegebne Schilderung genommen v. *North Central* u. *Kandyan provinces*. (196)

Erst errichtet sich a regal (!) *hierarchy on the basis of the village*; aber die sovereign power (!), when once constituted, wird in course of time the *instrument* for generating u. developing ganz neue conditions u. notions (!) of property in land. (l.c.)

#### 2) Land Tenure and State Economy.

to *Adigars, Dessaves* etc u. andern chieftains by the kings conferred – *nicht tracts of land* (zum Lohn für military u. civil services), sondern grants of dominion over populations. Der grantee erhielt the chieftain’s *customary rights* over the villages u. unappropriated lands; daher *Nindegama* (village unter private ownership) as opposed to the *royal* or *Gabada-gama*. (197, 198) Sub-infeudation *nicht* in Ceylon to any considerable extent. (198) ⦗Even the *Bengal subtenures* did not attain their extraordinary modern development until after the Permanent Settlement had given the Zamindars an absolute right of property in all the *land of their Zemindaries*, – a right without parallel in Ceylon.⦘ (199) Einige grants – royal or durch private seignior – became cultivating settlements, having *the grantee* (nicht the grantor) at their head; der grantor had *no* connection mit der new community ausser the *link of service* which bound the grantee to him u. which often in course of time wore out, became unenforceable. Others perhaps were from the beginning exclusive u. free of continuing obligation. (199, 200)

Daher will Phear ableiten die sehr *zahlreichen cases of cultivators* u. even of *non-cultivating proprietors*, who *own lands* by *a right of an absolute u. independent character*, to be found in all parts of the country, *speciell in the maritime provinces*, obgleich hier the *Dutch dominant authority* probably effected the larger part of the change which has taken place in modern times. (200)

So now *coming into existence* an *agricultural labourers’ class*; denn *wealthy native gentlemen*, die *Geld* auf andrem Weg als Agricultur gewonnen, found themselves able *to obtain the labour of the poorer village proprietors for daily money wages*, u. so to *„farm“ their lands* extensiv im English Sinn des term. (200, 201)

*Joint family system* ebenso conspicuous in *Ceylon als in Bengal*, doch im erstern selten of so large dimensions; besonders charakteristisch [für] das *Ceylon joint-family system: 2 or probably more brothers living together under one roof will have one wife between them*; practice discouraged by English legislation, aber keineswegs extinct; still enters as a curious factor in the *law of inheritance*, which has to be administrated by the civil courts. (201)

*Enjoyment der property der joint-family* managed by agreement, express or implied, aller adult joint sharers in the family property, who often separate themselves into smaller groups each taking its own plot of land; jeder dissentient sharer can claim to *have his share divided off for him*. (202) In Fällen von *cocoa-nut* or *areca-nut plantations*, of *jak trees* u. selbst of *paddy fields*, usual that *every gathering of the crop should be made in the presence of all the sharers*, and the *produce then and there divided according to the shares*. In such cases verrichten *all the sharers together* the necessary work *incidental to the cultivation or the keeping up of the plantation* and *constitute in fact a cooperative society*. Eine andre Praxis ist dass die *sharers let* out the land or plantation in *anda*, entweder to an outsider, or to one or more of themselves. Dann alle sharers to be *present at* the *division of the produce*, which is effected in 2 steps, *first division into moieties* und dann *a division of one moiety among the sharers*. (202, 203)

Manchmal the enjoyment of the property by *tatta maru* succession; erst getheilt (ideell), u. every sharer obtaining his proper number of *parts*, dann takes the *entirety* for the same number of seasons as he is entitled to parts, giving it up at the end of such period of time to the sharer who stands next in the rota etc. z. B. *A, B, C* jointly entitled to a paddy field in undivided shares proportionate to 2, 3, and 4, i.e. to 2/9, 1/3, 4/9 share of the whole respectively, then A would take the whole field for 2 years, B for 3, u. schliesslich C for 4, u. then the *set of turns* repeated in the same order, for *successive periods of 9 years*, until some sharer [should] insist upon having an actual partition of the field. (203, 204)

Aehnliche Sorte of Reihenfolge adoptirt in einigen *villages an der Küste* zum enjoyment *by the villagers* of the *fishing grounds* belonging to the village: diese are divided into *localities*; u. die *recognized boats of the village* fish these localities by turns which are settled by *gansabawa* arrangement. Jedes *dieser boats mit its nets* is a valuable property, belonging to many co-sharers jointly, who are commonly members of one family, and have become entitled to their shares by inheritance … On *a day’s fishing* the *produce is drawn ashore*, divided in a sufficient number of lots, each estimated to be worth the same assigned value, u. diese *lots then so distributed*, dass:

1/50 to the *owner of the land* on which *the fish* are brought ashore; ¼ to *those engaged in the labour*; ⅕ for the assistance of *extra nets etc*, rendered by third parties in the process of landing and securing the fish, which together: = *2 + 25 + 20* = 47/100; die remaining 53/100 go to the *owners of the boat and net according to their shares* therein. (204, 205)

*panguwa* = share of the village paddy field, das dem Singhalese *nilakaraya* zukommt. (206)

the *cultivation in ande* bei den *Singhalese* ist precise counterpart der *batai* cultivation der Bengalese. The *deputing* of *the right to cultivate the soil*, as distinguished from *the letting out land* as *a commodity* in beiden agricultiral systems. The *usufructuary mortage*, flowing from this conception, is the *prevailing* form of dealing mit the *panguwa* u. the *jot respectively, as commodities*. (207, 208)

In *Ceylon wie in Bengal* double set of village officers, one ernöthigt durch *relation der members der little village* republic to each other, andre durch relation »with their (!) lord«; der *gamerale, lekhama, kankaname* entsprechen dem bengal. *naib, patwari, gomashta*; andrerseits der *vel vidane* equivalent dem *mandal*. (208) (*3d Ceylon u. Bengal* p. 206–213) *batai agreement* (Bengal), under which the tilling is done by a person not the owner – in consideration of a definite share of the produce being yielded to the owner. (237)

#### 4) The Grain Tax.

*Obligation des cultivator to pay to the Crown* a *tithe or share of his paddy crop* if he has any, u. in some parts der country, also *of his other grain crops*. (214)

In vielen instances *villages* were kept in hand by the Crown (held *khas* as it is phrased in India) for the especial support of the central establishments: the *muttetuwa* darin was service-tilled, or let out in *ande*, under the direction of royal servants; the produce thus accruing was deposited *in kind* in *royal storehouses (gabedawa), arsenals* (awudege), or *treasuries (arramudale)* according to its sort, u. die personal services due were rendered at the palace or elsewhere, to meet some immediate royal requirement. Die *Crown villages or lands* were known under various designations: as *ratninda* or *ande*, original Crown lands; *nillapalla*, those which had fallen into the Crown from failure of the office to which they were attached; *mallapalla*, those reverted to the Crown from death of the Grantee. (216, 17)

*Unter Portugiesischer Herrschaft* several native powers at times maintained a separate simultaneous existence in the different provinces; but little continuity of general municipal administration of any kind. Village *system* still in activity, even, im Theil des Landes most affected by foreign influence u. other disturbing forces, in the *low part of the country near the coast*; durch die *services u. contributions* derivable from this source, first the *native powers of the low country* u. nach ihnen *the Portuguese, recruited their military forces* u. obtained the means of gvt. The *Portuguese*, when become *supreme over the southern maritime circuit* of the island, took up the *position der native kings*, whom they superseded, and *adopted their fiscal and administrative machinery* as it stood. (217, 218)

Die *Holländer*, having turned out the Portuguese, ditto in power über die maritime provinces, displaced all the *native local heads* u. *officials*; ihr Gvt übernahm the direct collection and benefit der various *dues, cesses* u. *services*, fastened upon the holder of the land to whomsoever they had been rendered. (218, 219)

*Engländer*, in their turn, assuming the gvt der maritime provinces, folgten zuerst dem Vorgang der Dutch, brauchten die *services* derer, die land on *tenure of service* hatten (u. on that account *duty free*), nahmen auch an den *storehouses* etc the *seignior’s share of produce in kind*, von den *Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda*, or *Ande lands* u. nahmen endlich such benefits as were derivable from holders of land on other u. uncertain tenures, inclus. the payment of quotas of produce, u. of measures of paddy. (219)

Diese letzte *sort of dues* converted durch *Royal Proclamation of 3 May, 1800*, in *tax of ⅒ des Produce*, scheint sich zu beziehn auf das *residue of lands* nach Abzug der Government lands u. der *lands held on tenure of service* to Government. Offenbar waren *private seignior* und the *vihara headship* schon verschwunden vor den Dutch. (219, 220)

*3 September 1801* durch Proclamation die *obligation to service* on *tenure of land* in den maritime provinces *abgeschafft (ab 1 Mai 1802)* u. solches Land unterworfen to *payment to Gvt of ⅒ des produce if high land, ⅕ of produce if low land*. Zugleich the *payment of ¼* of *the produce* für *Mallapalla, Nillapalla, Ratninda or Ande lands* reserved. (220)

Obgleich so *die obligation to service* divorced from land, ward dem Governor the power reserved to *exact it by special order* von persons *aller castes u. conditions* for *adequate pay* to be given therefore. Die *exigencies of the Kandyan war* gaben dem Gvt dann den Vorwand to renew a *general claim to the services of the people*, nicht mit Bezug auf Grundbesitz, sondern of custom and caste, *payment to be made at rates fixed by Gvt*; *1809* wurde *Wegbau* zu *gratuitous service* gemacht, lying on the inhabitants des districts through which they passed. (221) Diese enactments applied nur to the *maritime provinces* acquired von den Dutch. *1815* erhielten die Britishers durch *conquest* u. *treaty* auch das *government* of the *Central or Kandyan Province*, bis dahin solely under the adminisration der native powers. *1818*, durch Proclamation von *21 November*, alle duties bis dahin payable in royal storehouse, treasury, or arsenal u. alle andern duties u. taxes *abgeschafft*, ersetzt durch *tax of ⅒ of the produce on paddy lands*, reduced to 1/14 in certain specified *Korles*. (221, 222) Zugleich die *services* due in respect of service tenure lands (auf welche grade die neue Tax fiel) retained, obgleich stipulated that the services *generally* should be paid for at *an established rate*; aber *repair u. making of roads*, wie in den maritime provinces, *gratuitous service* gemacht. (222) Durch *Proclamation v. 21 Nov. 1818* auch die liability of certain inhabitants of temple lands to perform *service to gvt* also retained. (l.c.)

Auf Report v. *24 December 1831* des *Lt. Colonel Colebrooke*, (nämlich dieser u. Mr. Cameron waren commissioned worden die Administration von Ceylon to inquire into) an *Order of Council* d.d. *12 April 1832* erklärte, dass Niemand of His Majesty’s native or Indian subjects im island *liable to render any service* in Bezug auf ihre *land tenure*, oder wegen ihrer *Caste* od. sonstwie, zu welchem die *subjects of European birth* were not liable. Aber auch diese Proklamation enthielt the *reservation* of *services to the crown* of *holders of land in royal villages in the Kandyan province* u. dasselbe for *vihara* u. *private owners* in the same province. (222, 223)

According to *Ribeyro, Knox u. Valentyn* in the *Portuguese* u. earlier times there was almost *no money* in the country. *All trade* which was not a Crown monopoly *was effected by barter*. *Paddy was the commodity which commonly filled the place of coin*. Die meisten *presents* which accompanied all service, *took the form of paddy*, and *nearly all obligations by the way of remuneration* or duty were discharged by a *measure of grain* drawn from the contents of the threshing floor at harvest. (225)

Von dem *librarian of the Malagava, Kandy*, dem »learned« *Suriyagoda Unanse* erhielt der Bursch *Phear* folgende bemerkenswerthe Notiz:

Die *frühste Erwähnung* irgendeiner *tax or contribution* des *Volks für support of a royal person* to be found in the *historical books of Ceylon*, occurs in the *Aggauna Sutta* (a *sermon by Buddha himself*) in Digha Nitraya, u. *in the commentary thereon* called *Sumangala Vilasani* by the learned Buddhist divine *Buddhagosha*. Der passage des sermon lautet: *„We shall give a portion of our paddy.“* Dazu commentirt *Buddhagosha*: „We shall give you at the rate of ammunan of paddy from each field of ours. ⦗Das word „Sali“ im Original is literally a *particular kind of rice, soll* aber hier stand for all grain produce⦘ *You need not follow any trade*. But be you our chief.“ (227, 228) Weiter keine tax or obligation an governing power erwähnt; nichts von Diensten; diese, meint Phear, späteren Ursprungs; u. the *paddy cesses* ultimately often again superimposed upon the services, came in later still, with an increase in the central power of exaction. (228) Das *Singhalese word „otu“*, wodurch die Gvt tax or claim meistens benamst, heisst *„one“*, also equivalent only to *one portion* or *one share* ohne indication irgendeiner Proportion der share zum Ganzen. (228, 229)

Also das ⅒ im English impost scheint founded upon the *practice* of *the Dutch* in granting out Crown lands. Die *grain tax* folglich nicht älter als the century; in a certain sense return to the earliest u. most widely prevalent form of national revenue developed from the basis of the village organization, aber charakteristisch dass die *Ceylon Aryans* from the same basis produced the *service system* in its stead. (229)

### III) Evolution of the Indo-Aryan Social and Land System.

At the present time *every settlement report* sent in to the Government (in India) will be found to furnish instances, and to describe the circumstances of *newly created agricultural communities*. (*234. Phear* hätte besser gethan statt seines hypothetischen Kohls description solcher instances zu geben!)

Dieser respectable Esel bildet sich ein, dass »there grew to be, *even from the commencement*, a *gradation of respectability and employment within the village itself*.« (!) (Der asinus lässt auch alles durch private families gründen) (p. 238)

The proprietary conception went no farther than this namely, that the *particular plot of land* which the family or the individual claimed was the part of the village land, which he or it was *entitled to cultivate*, or to have cultivated for his own benefit. The *business of allotment* (so long as the practice of allotting remained), the *order of cultivation*, the *maintenance of the water supply, the keeping up of fences*, and all other affairs of common interest to the little community, were managed by the *heads of families*, entitled to their share of the village lands, in the *panchayat* assembled. (241)

Each little colony or *abad*. (242) *nij* or private lands. (243)

*Kshatria caste* nur mentioned in *Brahmanical* pages, and it certainly has no reality now. (See *Growse’s „Mathura“*.) (p. 246) Ebenso the existence *of the Vaisya* (Kaufmann’s) Kaste nur evidenced by Brahmanical writers. (248) The *great bulk* of the *descendants of the original settlers* (speaking of villages in the mass) less careful of purity of blood, or of preserving any mark of descent from the immigrant race … mit ihnen gradually intermixed people of all kinds, aborigines, run-aways from other *abads* for cause of pauperism, feud, or otherwise, some of whom came to be even allowed a portion of the village lands. (248, 249) Probably the *Brahman, Kshatria, Vaisya* u. *Sudra der Brahmanical codes* blos Utopian class distinctions of a prehistoric More. (250)

In allem there is at most conceived only the *right to cultivate land*, and a deputing of that right to another in consideration of a share in the product. (255) Selbst in seinem private land or *nij* der chief had only the *right to cultivate by himself*, or to get somebody else to do it on condition of dividing the produce. (256) The *share of produce* which the Chief could take from the cultivators was not regulated by his own pleasure, or *by the making of a bargain*, but by *custom*, or practice, in regard to which the *village panchayat* was the supreme authority, and the chief had no power to turn the cultivator out of possession. (257) Die Verwandlung dieser quotas of produce *into money payments*, or *their equivalent* (an event which has not happened universally even yet) machte sie nicht zu *rent paid for occupation and use of land* as *an article belonging to and at the disposal of the person paid*, but were dues payable to a superior ruling authority … Der Chief, though zamindar of *all* the land within the Zamindary, was at most *landlord* (u. das nur als one merely having the right to dispose of the occupation and tilling of the soil) of his *nij* lands, and in some instances probably of the wastes. Seine machinery was sein *kachahri*, the centre of local authority, side by side womit the *panchayat*, i.e. the old *abad* self-government. (257, 258)

In *Manu’s „Institutions“* nowhere a mention of land as a subject of property in the modern English sense. *Private ownership of cultivated plots* is recognized, ist aber simply the *ownership of the cultivator*; the *land itself belongs to the village*; no trace of rent; *owner* is only another name for *cultivator*. Er ist under obligation to cultivate lest the Rajah’s or lord’s dues in kind be shortcoming, aber er might cultivate by servants, or arrange with some one else to *cultivate* on *a division of crops*. (i.e. the *batai system*, a form of metayer) In another place of *Manu*, every one enjoined to keep a supply of grain *sufficient for his household for 3 years* … almost everybody so supposed to be an actual cultivator… The *practice of batai* … *did not in fact lead to the letting of land*: u. *rent* in any form unknown to Manu. (258, 259)

*Selling of land*, or even *of the use of land*, nirgendswo directly alluded to … *Appropriating a field, giving a field* u. *seizing a field* erscheinen alle bei *Manu*, aber nicht *buying or selling a field*. (259, 260)

Etwas später, nach the *Mitakshara*, separated kinsmen had acquired uncontrolled power of *disposing of their respective shares* of *the family allotment*; dies was a *mere transfer of a personal cultivating right*, incidental to personal status in the village community, and subject to an obligation to render to the lord his share of the produce. Daher the *transaction to be accompanied by specified public formalities*; and an out-and-out sale discountenanced except for necessity. Ausserdem, when the transfer not absolute, but *conditional by way of security for the repayment of a debt*, it always took the form of what is now called a *usufructuary mortgage*. (260, 261) the *usufruct of land by actual tillage* on the footing of a right of partnership in the village cultivating community, and not *the land itself*, constituted the object worauf sich das word *»ownership«* in den Hindu law writers bezieht. (261)

Dies auch bestätigt durch *copper-plates of title, old sanads* u. ähnliche evidence; sie disclose the pretty frequent grant or assignment of the *right to make collections* u. other *zamindari rights* proceeding from a superior lord, or the *gift of a plot from the waste*, or out of the zamindar’s *ziraat*, to a *Brahman* or other person. But no instance of *private transfer by purchase and sale of actual land*, or even of *the lease of land for a term of years in consideration of a rent*. (261, 262) Das *Sanchi tablet*, wovon a translation given in the *Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal* v. VI, p. 456, bezieht sich nicht auf purchase u. sale of land as between private owners; sondern an *enfranchisement of some sort* (such as redemption of liability to pay revenue to the lord) with the view to the land becoming *debattar*. *(262, note 1)*

Mr. *La Touche’s „Settlement Report of Ajmere u. Mhairwarra“* recently published, obgleich La Touche nach Phear die facts verfälscht durch phraseology borrowed from feudal Europe. (263) Die Sache kömmt darauf heraus: *Certain members of the village community* enjoy the permanently cultivated or improved lands of the village by some recognized hereditary or customary right of cultivation, sometimes termed *ownership* u. sometimes *proprietorship*; zahlen sie the customary share of the produce to the person entitled to receive it, so they consider themselves entitled to continue undisturbed in the occupation and cultivation of their land, or even to transfer it to another; no *such thing as the letting of land on terms of profit; private sales* of land practically unknown u. the *sale of land* by *the Civil Court* (an *English innovation*) has been prohibited because so opposed to ancient custom as to be incapable of being carried into effect; *mortgages* are almost all of *an usufructuary kind*, and in *Mhairwarra* a kind of *metayer system established between the mortgager and the mortgagee*: the *State* – the representative of the former superior Chief – collects the *revenue* (the modern equivalent to the *old customary share of the produce*) from the cultivators by certain agency machinery etc, ausser over lands, wo the *Chief’s rights* to collect dues, and of other kind, were assigned by him *to minor Chiefs*, – *istamrardars* or *jaghirdars* – on conditions of military service, or for other consideration; unter den rights so exercised by the *State* u. its assignees, *was the right to dispose of waste land*; obgleich within the *State area of collection* the revenue is *settled in the form of a money payment*, in all *jaghir estates* the revenue is collected by an *estimate of the produce*, and *money assessments are unknown*. (p. 263–265) u. sagt *La Touche* selbst: „the land tenures are, as might be expected, *entirely analogous to those prevailing in the adjacent Native States*“. (p. 266)

In Europe, im Unterschied vom East, in *place of the produce tribute* was substituted a *dominion over the soil* – the cultivators being turned out of their land u. reduced to the condition of serfs or labourers. (266, 267)

In the East, under the village system, the *people practically governed themselves*, and the contest for power among the Chiefs of the noble class was mainly a struggle for command of the *kachahri tabils*. (271)


[^lic]: Text nach MEGAdigital (Berlin-Brandenburgische Akademie der Wissenschaften), MEGA² IV/27, Lizenz CC BY-SA 4.0 (https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/); der editorische Apparat der MEGA ist nicht wiedergegeben.