Second International Conference of Communist Women. Report of the Sessions (1921)

Report of the sessions of the Second International Conference of Communist Women (Moscow, June 9th-15th, 1921), from Nos. 15-23 (June 11th-23rd, 1921) of «Moscow», English edition of the daily organ of the Third Congress of the Communist International (Press Bureau of the Communist International, Moscow, 1921; scans on marxists.org). Not a stenographic record, but the report of the paper; no official record of the conference is freely available. No. 14 survives incomplete in the scans. Traducción al español

The documents adopted are given in Second International Conference of Communist Women (1921).

International Congress of Women Communists. The Opening of the Second International Congress

«Moscow», No. 15, June 11th, 1921, p. 3.

The second International Congress of Women Communists opened in Moscow on June ninth at six p. m. The following were elected to the presidium: Tahlheimer, Bucharin representing Executive Comintern, Clara Zetkin, Liza Gerten, Germany, Smythe England, Lessiak France, Bloch Switzerland. The following were elected secretaries, Lillina, Stahl, Kollontai; besides these representatives of Ukraine, Norway, Sweden and other countries were also elected. The following were elected honorary presidents Lenin, Zinoviev, Trotsky, Krupskaya, Sylvia Pankhurst, Kote Dahlstram. In opening the congress, Kollontai declared that, the Second International Conference of women communists will bring joy to the revolutionary proletariat of the whole world and inspire fear in the hearts of all our enemies. This conference once again proves to our enemies that the communist movement is growing and becoming stronger. Not only are representatives of the whole of the West present at this congress, but Eastern countries also. We are commencing the work of the conference with the firm conviction that the working women of the whole world will courageously carry the banner of communism to the victorious end.

Comrade Kollontai then proposed that the memory of fallen fighters for communism, particularly comrades Samoilova, Inessa Armand, and Ossen of Norway, be honoured by the conference rising.

Kalinin.

Greetings were then conveyed in the name of all the Russian Central Executive Committee by, Comrade Kalinin who was met by a storm of applause Kalinin said. “The honour to welcome the women communists of all countries falls to the lot of the whole of the Russian proletariat. The Russian working woman who always marched side by side with the working men occupies an honourable place in the struggles of the Russian proletariat. We have fashioned our methods in the long and difficult struggle against capitalism. Our tactics are dictated by long revolutionary experience based on the Marxist method. As an example of how tactics based on living experience and actual conditions may change without departing from principle and diverting from the final aim, Kalinin referred to the attitude of Russian Communist Party to the question of the corn monopoly and agricultural tax. He believed that Russian experience will be of service to foreign comrades, and he wished them success in their great struggle. In the name of German Communist Party greetings were conveyed by Comrade Tahlheimer. He declared that communism during the last year has had extraordinary success not only among men workers but also among women workers of all countries, this unceasing growth proves the inevitable collapse of capitalism. He concluded his speech by expressing the hope that the conference will mere strongly weld the ranks of women communists and hasten our proletarian victory.

Losovsky.

Comrade Losovsky greeted the conference in the name of the International Council of Trade Unions. He said: “There is the one idea running through all the forthcoming conferences and congresses In Moscow namely, the possibility of more intense development of struggle of the revolutionary proletariat. They will be the banner around which will rally the organised masses of the proletariat and that large section of the working class not yet touched by the revolution. Women labour masses represent tremendous fields of activy for communist propaganda. The task of the present conference, and the forthcoming congresses of the Comintern and Red Trade Unions, is to work out an offensive policy for the final struggle with the capitalist world. Comrade Guseff greeted the conference in the name of the Red Army and said: “Only thanks to the victory of the Rep army is it possible for an international conference to gather as it has done to day? This is a pledge that very soon we shall have one International Red Army”.

Clara Zetkin.

Clara Zetkin then rose to reply to the greetings and was greeted by a grand ovation. She said I accept your greetings not for the little that has up till now been done by the women communists of Western Europe but for what we have yet to do. The working women of the whole world learned with enthusiasm that we have once again gathered under the banner of Third International in Moscow. What does Moscow mean to us? It is a symbol of the Russian Revolution, a symbol of future struggles for emancipation. We working women belonged to the Second International but it deceived us as it deceived the whole of the proletariat. Nor will the Second and a half International, which vacillates and is totall unable to break with compromise, improve the position. We West European communists only recently were just a small group in each country. Now we are many and our numbers grow every day. What is the Third International? It is not an organisation of words but an organisation of revolutionary struggle, and it is precsieely for this purpose that we have gathered here. We have suffered great losses during the past year. We have lost Inessa Armand who was the first to call upon working women to protest actively against imperialist wars. We have lost Comrade Samoilova. We, with you, feel the loss of these comrades and we grieve over them just as you grieve with us over our losses, for the loss of communist fighters is not only a loss to the proletariat of one country but to that of the whole world. In the persons of Rosa Luxemburg and Karl Liebknecht there fell not only fighters of the German proletariat but of the world proletariat. We honour the memory of our fallen warriors not with tears but in the struggle which they bequeathe to us.

Capitalism in all countries is living through its last days, the colossal growth of unemployment shows that we are on the eve of the complete collapse of the capitalist world. We have no time for dallying, we must all unite, we must say to all working women that the hour has come for a decisive struggle and that only by entering the Communist Party can they assist in the struggle; for the fate of women is the fate of labour and the emancipation of labor means the emancipation of woman. But the path to emancipation is not easy, it is a path of difficult and stubborn battles. There may be victories but there may be defeats. We must continually struggle untiringly until power is in the hands of the workers. We have here not only women of Europe, 150 not only the Western European working women but women of the East. The women of the East has awakened and she looks with hope to the Third International in Moscow which calls her to complete emancipation. The presence of women of the East among us is the best proof that however great the work that confronts us is we will close our ranks still more in the struggle for a complete emancipation of working women, for the complete realisation of Communism. Long live the Third International! Long live the working men and working women of Russia! Long live the Soviet Government!”

Bukharin.

Comrade Bucharin then greeted the conference in the name of the Executive Committee of the Comintern and the Central Committee of the Russian Communist Party. He said “Your present conference is much larger then that of last year; if we compare our attempts abroad in Zimmerwald Kienthal and Stockholm with this enormous conference we will see what colossal strides the Communist movement has made. This development proceeds parallel with the collapse of the capitalist world. As Old Europe is collapsing so the ranks of the workers are increasing and becoming stronger. In gathering here in Moscow we will not organise parades with badges and banners, but conduct business. Much work confronts us, perhaps defeats, but inevitable victory is guaranteed us. When we meet foreign comrades we have two greetings for them: one refers to ourselves we say, “we are exhausted, we must hold out at all costs. We know that it is possible that our revolution may yet take other devious paths”. The other greeting applies to our foreign comrades, we say your “duty is to support us and exert all efforts to make it impossible for capitalism to exist”. We not only can dream of what the best and brightest human minds have dreamt of, but to realise these dreams. In order to construct the new world and not be taken unawares by the catastrophe of the collapse of the capitalist world we must have not merely revolutionary temparament, enthusiasm, and applause, but calculating minds. At present we are faced with a crisis in the growth of the Communist International. Moscow has become a centre of attraction. The collapse of the socialist parties has brought considerable additions to our ranks which the Communist International has not yet managed to digest. Attempts are being made to form a right wing of the Comintern in Germany, Tchecko-Slovakia, and particularly in Italy. We must determinedly resist all opportunist inclinations. This is what we demand of the Women's Congress. We will never permit our International to be converted into a two and three quarter international or even into a two and nine tenths International. It must be and remain a Third International and I am firmly convinced that together with that old revolutionary fighter comrade Clara Zetkin we will break all opportunist elements.

International Greetings.

After the speech of comrade Boucharin comrade Tchakai greeted the congress in the name of Georgia. He said that up till now politically Georgia has been a most important centre where the imperialist powers, first Germany, and then England, attempted to establish their base and where the compromising leaders of the Second and a half international attempted to throw their nets. But the proletariat of Georgia tore the net that was set for it and preserved their alliance with the revolutionary proletariat of Russia. He expressed the conviction that this conference as well as the other forthcoming conferences will close up the ranks of the working men and working women of the whole world, unite the revolutionary West with the revolutionary East in which Georgia is a small but unconquerable vanguard. Lucy Colliar speaking in the name of the French Communists said“.

“Women proletarians and comrades, in the name of France I convey to you admiration and obeisance. The French delegation stepped on the soil of Russia with deep emotion, but this emotion is accompanied by shame and prickings of conscience. We were ashamed before the Russian proletariat for our peaceful and easy living. We thought that we had accomplished the task of the revolution when we stood up to defend France from imperialist Germany, and when we secured universal suffrage; but now we see that our revolution has not yet been accomplished. We solemnly vow to you however, that on returning home we will rouse our workers for the last fight. Heavy tasks still confront the French party, the task of gaining over the syndicates in which the Reds as yet are a minority, many obstacles still stand in the path of the French proletariat, but the victory of the Russian proletariat is a pledge of our victory”. Then followed comrade Patchufareva“, “she said in the name of Moscow and the Moscow Government I greet you dear guests. In pressing the hand of our dear leader Clara Zetkin with my toil hardened hand it seems to me that I am shaking the hand of tens of thousands of working women. They see the victory of the proletariat in Russia which they have not yet achieved. They ought to leave Russia infected with our militant enthusiasm and determination When we referred to our martyrs, I recalled our late comrade Ynessa and Samuilova and I say that they are not dead, they are looking to us. Comrade Bluer speaking in the name of the American Comrades referred to the growing interest of the workers of America to the workers of Soviet Russia. The workers of America feel that the October revolution showed the real methods of fighting against capitalism. America which previous to the war was one of the freest countries is now a land of the reaction. In concluding her speech Comrade Bluer said Although I have worked twenty five years among the workers of America. I have not come here to teach you but to learn from your experience and on my return to America to call upon the proletariat of America to follow in your footsteps.

Comrades Mussarbekova then spoke in the name of Armenia and Azerbeidjan. In greeting the conference she spoke of the difficult position in which the working women of the East still found themselves, and hoped that the great example of the Russian proletariat will assist in the emancipation of the women of the East.

A representative of the Korean and Chinese Communist Parties said that women delegates from China and Korea would not be present because they were hindered by a double barrier of Korean and Japanese soldiers, but the working men and working women of the Far East are striving to unite around the general staff of the revolutionary proletariat, the Comintern in order to gather with the revolutionary proletariat of the West to conduct the task already commenced to a victorious end.

In the name of the working women and peasant women of the Ukraine comrade Tchernisheva greeted the conference and conveyed the assurance that they would exert all their efforts to facilitate the victory of the Communism in the whole world.

Kolontai

In the name of the Central Women's Department of the Russian Communist Party comrade Kolontai greeted the working women of the West and the East. She said that there was not a corner in Soviet Russia, not a government, not an ouezd nor even a volost where there was not a women's department and where women are not participating in the work of constructing a better system. “Our conference has to carry out two special tasks. The first, to create in every party a special apparatus, as in the Russian Communist Party, for attracting women to the struggle for Communism. The second is to establish the principle that the women communist in every party form a strong left revolutionary centre capable of being a bulwark against all vacillation for women workers are more interested than men in the victory of communism”.

After the speech of comrade Kolontai a resolution was accepted conveying greetings to the martyrs of the white terror which said:

The text of the greetings is given in Second International Conference of Communist Women (1921).

Impressions of the Opening of the Women's Conference

«Moscow», No. 15, June 11th, 1921, p. 4.

The Zimina Theatre and the streets around it represented not only a majestic picture but a clear and simple reflection of the hopes and despair of the Russian proletarian women. In seried ranks, singing martial songs, the women marched in columns through the wide doors of the theatre. Part of the women crowding round the entrances in white holiday dresses, in simple but spotlessly clean head-shawls, frequently decorated with red badges, greeted the International Conference with harmonious revolutionary songs.

In these old revolutionary airs, which had been sung thousands and thousands of times, there seems to run some new, fresh, bold, purely womanly strain. Involuntary one imagines that these sounds tell that Woman, the worker, is slowly but surely awakening, awakening to the life, to the struggle, to grand and untiring work of construction.

* * *

The theatre was full to overflowing. The Partier, the boxes, amphitheatre and gallery represented amass of colour and movement.

Part of the foreign delegates were seated on the stage. Here one saw a mixture of nations, races and tongues, and one heard snatches of conversation in all languages, western and eastern. These were the revolutionary working women from Germany, France, England and America these were women with glorious militant revolutionary pasts, and among them sat Clara Zetkin like an old general of Revolution, with her fine face; grey-haired and active, with lively unageing eyes, full of revolutionary fire and great love. The whole of the theatre seemed to be drawn as to a lighthouse, to this face, mobile and thoughtful, just as if everybody saw in it their symbol. The beauty of Woman — the fighter and the women.

* * *

Comrade Kollontai declared the Conference opened. Then came greetings, but these greetings were a revolutionary review of the fighting forces of the feminine half of the proletariat.

Comrade Lucy Colliar — a striking type of the French revolutionary woman, with a lively temperament and strong will, just as if she had stepped out of the Commune. The periods of her speech were bright and rapid, her language was eloquent ant flexible. She spoke of the emotion which she felt when she crossed the frontiers of Proletarian Russia. Here she saw a picture of great heroism and great privation.

“In our emotion”—said comrade Lucy Colliar—“We involuntarily felt a sense of shame and the prickings of conscience. The difficult tast that confronts us now— the winning over over the syndicates in which the Reds are yet a minority is a task which from now will inspire us more and more”.

An American delegate of middle age, with an energetic American face, spoke of her twenty five years of work among American workers. She did not come here, she said, to teach, but to learn from Russian experience, for the American proletariat has become convinced from the events of recent years and by their own experience that the proper methods of struggle against capitalism were fashioned only by the Russian October Revolution.

* * *

The Women of the East were represented at the Conference by comrade Moussar-Beckova, whose Tartar speech sounded so melodious in the theatre, as if it were some Eastern chant.

“The woman of the East, this age-long slave”—said comrade Mussar-Beckova—“is awakening. Already tens of thousands of our sisters have discareded the turban and the veil. They are now acting independently, they are beginning to understand their feminine and human rights, and life and the evergrowing struggle of the working class is urging them to the great proletarian road.

* * *

The most clear, the most sonorous and the most majestic of all the speeches was that of Clara Zetkin. Her fine grey hair encircles her inspired face, which, as she speaks, seems to become radiant. Every expression, every living phrase seems to come from the depths of her soul. And it is this that causes that reverent silence and that concentrated attention.

“Only recently we Western European women communists”—said comrade Zetkin—“were a small handful. Now we are many and our numbers grow every day”.

This firm conviction of the European woman warrior sounded like a trumpet call.

“The fate of woman is the fate of labour, and the emancipation of labour means the emancipation of woman”, was the striking conclusion of comrade Clara Zetkin's excellent speech. and this is the clear and brief programme of the women communist movement.

* * *

The Moscow working woman, Pachufarova, straight from the loom, was a striking example of the growing consciousness of the Russian woman proletarian.

“You” said comrade Pochufarova, adressing the delegates “must return to your countries infected with our militant enthusiasm and determination. You must not be satisfied with sops from your bourgeoisie but enter the final struggle as we, the Russian working men and and working women did”. There was not a shadow of pride in these words, it was the voice of the Russian factory, of the Russian fields. They were the expression of the agonising thoughts of the Russian proletariat.

“When will the great and proud vanguard of the Western Proletariat come to our assistance?.

It is not surprising that this cry of the working woman Pochufarova, coming from the very depths of her soul, was drowned in a thunder of unceasing applause.

* * *

It was touching to observe later on how, Clara Zetkin and Pocufarova, by silent signs and with the aid of an interpreter, conversed in a corner of the stage. Comrade Zetkin pressed the hand of Pochufarova and with baited voice full of emotion told the latter how much she felt the sufferings of the Russian working men and working women waiting for assistance from the West, and expressed the conviction that that assistance is soon coming.

* * *

Comrade Kollontai finished her closingspeech and the delegates rose and sang the Intarnational. The sounds rose and swelled through the whole of the theatre.

Yes, the formal opening of the Women's Conference presented a majestic picture, but at the same time a clear and simple reflecion of the hopes and despair of the Russian proletarian women.

A. L.

Women's Congress. Report of First Session

«Moscow», No. 16, June 12th, 1921, p. 3.

Comrade Zetkin opened the Conference in the name of the International Women's Secretariat of the Communist International. She greeted the Conference in the name of the communist proletariat of all countries and expressed the conviction that although our comrades up till now have not devoted sufficient attention to the women's movement they will do so in the future. She then greeted the working women of Moscow and Petrograd, and through them, the working women and peasant women of the whole of Russia, and expressed admiration at their heroism. She expressed the conviction that after this Conference the Women Proletariat of the whole world will rally around the Third International. This Conference should give utterance to the old socialist watchword: “Ever forward, no going back”.

The Conference then proceeded to the election of the Presidium, and the following were elected: Clara Zetkin, Lilina and Kollontai. An honourary Presidium was elected composed of: Rolland Holst (Holand), Colliar (France), Gerten (Germany), Nikolayeva (Russia), Bloch (Switzerland), Massarbeckova (Azerbeidjan), Smythe (England).

The Secretariat elected is composed of Bertha Schwartz (Germany), Linderoot (Sweden), Knitlova (Czekho-Slovakia), Czirki (Czekhia), Goloubova-Vinogradskaya (Russia), Moirova (Ukraine).

Mandate Commission: Stahl and Casparova (Russia), Bodoulevsko (Rumania), Kuiskinin (Finland), Ulsem (Norway), Faber (Germany).

Revising Committee: Koudelli (Russia), Lousiak (France), Hefke (Germany), Bloor (America), May Mikova (Bulgaria).

The following agenda was then confirmed:

1. Preliminary report of the Mandate Commission;
2. Half-yearly report of the Secretariat;
3. Methods and forms of work of Communist Party among women;
4. Participation of women workers in realisation of the dictatorship of the proletariat (reporters—Lilina, Gerten, Kollontai and Zetkin).

Greetings were then read from the Conference of Women Communists in Germany held on the 7th of May, as follows:

“This Conference of women Communists of the United Communist Party of Germany held in Berlin sends hearty greetings to the International Conference of Women Communist in Moscow.

“The Women Communists of Germany are deeply convinced that the fraternity, the unity and solidarity will still further unite the women workers of all countries. They express the conviction that the II Conference of Women Communists will indicate the right path to the proletarian women of all countries and unite us much more closely around the Communist International and the Red Banner of the Proletariat. They will exert all their efforts in the revolutionary struggle, support the difficult heroic struggle of the Russian proletariat and facilitate the victory of the Germany Communist Party over capitalism, and thus assist in hastening the social revolution and conduct it to a victorious end.”

“The Women Communists of Germany are completely convinced that the emancipation of women is possible only when the proletariat will overthrow the bourgeoisie and take power in its own hands, and when the dictatorship of the proletariat will triumph over the whole world.”

The next business was the preliminary report of the Mandate Commission which showed that the delegates present at the Conference represented Russia, Ukraine, White Russia, Latvia, Azerbeidjan, Armenia Esthonia, Czekho-Slovakia, Rumania and Bulgaria, Germany, France, Switzerland, Holland, Hungary, Norway, America, England, Spain Finland and Sweden.

Comrade Kollontai then delivered the report on the work of the International Secretariat from the 20th November 1920. The establishment of the Secretariat was confirmed by the Executive Committee of the Comintern on the 8th August last year, in accordance with the agreement arrived at at the First Conference. The Secretariat was composed of eight comrades, six from Russia and two from other countries; one part of the Secretariat worked in Russia and the other abroad. The aims and tasks of the Secretariat were — 1) to spread the influence of the Comintern among the broad masses of the women workers; 2) to co-operate with the Comintern in training the labour masses in the spirit of communism; 3) to propagate methods of work for rousing women to activity and independent action; 4) questions of the emancipation of women as mothers.

The Secretariat has not been and is not an organ separate and independent of the Comintern, but is closely bound with it, and a member of the Secretariat is a member of the Executive Committee of the Comintern. It must be pointed out, however, that during the period under review the Secretariat has not displayed any particularly great activity. In the first place it was hindered by difficulties of a purely technical character. Our General Secretary lived abroad, and it was therefore very difficult to maintain International connections. Secondly obstacles were placed in our way by the whiteguards which hindered the permanent and continual contact with the Secretariat and the leadership of the organisation of women.

The movement is most highly developed in Germany and Bulgaria. in America the movement is in difficulties owing to the fact that the Party there is illegal and works underground. However, there are 70.000 women organised in the Trade Unions there and the communists must learn to penetrate into these unions. Approximately the same situation exists with regard to the English women's movement. There immediately a committee is organised it is arrested. In France some work has been done during the last year and two papers are published. In Switzerland it is necessary to overcome the petty bourgeois psychology of the working women. In Norway International Women's Day was very successfully carried out. The present Conference, at which representatives from all parts of the world are gathered, creates the conviction that the Women Communist movement in spite of all the circumstances refered to will continue rapidly to develop, and events in a number of countries prove that the methods and forms of work practised by the Secretariat are the most suitable.

After a short interval Comrade Zetkin opened the discussion. Refering to International connections comrade Zetkin pointed to loose international connections of the Secretariat. The reasons for this first of all life in the disorganisation of the railways which is characteristic not only of Russia but of the whole of the West, and also in the difficulty of maintaining personal connections. Messengers never returned, they were killed on the frontier. Comrade Zetkin then outlined a plan of connections for the International Secretariat which should keep each mutually informed, but all be carried out by special appointed correspondents, whose be connections should proceed through the Central Secretariat, which should be one of the active organs of the Executive Committee of the Comintern. The Secretariat must have a certain amount of freedom of action, a certain amount of initiative in approaching the women masses and their revolutionary training for the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat.

Comrade Zetkin proposed to change the structure of the Secretariat in view of the forthcoming change in the structure of the Executive Committee. Auxiliary technical organs of the Secretariat may be organised in Western Europe which under no circumstances must play a leading role but simply carry out preparatory and executive work. This organ will be organised in one of the Western European countries. In all the remaining countries there will be these correspondents.

International Congress of Women Communists. Report of Session of July 11th

«Moscow», No. 17, June 14th, 1921, pp. 3-4. The heading reads «July 11th»: an error for June 11th.

The question of the organisation of an International Secretariat was under discussion at the Session of July 11th.

The Conference opened at 8 p. m., comrade Zetkin was in the chair.

Comrade Schwarz, Germany) “We had a Conference last May when the position of the International Secretariat was discussed. We know that the work of the Secretariat was faced with great obstacles due to the difficulties of the position of the Communist movement throughout the world. We know that it was difficult to work from Moscow. A great deal has been done by Moscow in face of these circumstances, but little of what was done reached other countries, and we must confess that the secretariat did not take advantage of all the means at its disposal for developing the women's Communist movement. If we further consider the complete absence of labour legislation for women in many countries, then we must confess, that the Secretariat shall have pointed out to the respective communist parties of Switzerland, France and others countries, the need of developing a women's movement and the devining of suitable slogans. The slogans which were made for the International Women's Day, were almost without exception only applicable to Russian conditions and were of little use for the political situation of other countries. Comrade Kolontai spoke here of two French journals on the women's communist movement but one of them edited by Boudin, is altogether outside the control of the communist party and is really a feminist paper; the same can be said of the other. It is absolutely essential that a single party organ be issued in France. Further, communist women take part in the revolutionary Womens's Union of Holland which accepts anarchist and christian-socialist elements. In England where the feminist movement is strong, a great deal was done in the woman's suffrage struggle but little has been done to spread the communist women's movement. We listened with joy to comrade Kolontai's declaration that the Secretariat would publish the necessary literature which would suit the particular conditions of each country. It appears necessary that the Secretariat in conjunction with the Executive of the Comintern should send trusted comrades to those countries where the women's movement is weak in order to strengthen it and to organise the necessary party machinery for attracting large numbers of women workers in the communist movement. We consider necessary the creating of Western European auxiliary organ of the Women's International Secretariat, which would help the latter in the work of spreading the communist movement among women of Western Europe. The German comrades are willing to take upon themselves the work for the creation of such an organ.

Rose Block, of Switzerland said that she came from a small country, which however is located in the centre of Europe and that she is more or less aware of the course of events in European States. “Our organisation, she said, was all the time in contact with the general secretary. The Russian comrades did all they could to keep in contact with the foreign organisations. It is necessary to observe that this was harder for us women, than for the men—communists.

Something has been done already for the unification of our work. In connection with this we must mention the celebration of the International Women's Day, True, the international women's day was established already in 1910, but in a number of nations it was observed for the first time in 1921. Not long ago comrade Zetkin commenced the publication of the “Women's Communist International”. Three numbers have so far been published in the German language only. It is necessary to publish it within the shortest time in French and English, and the Russian comrades must reprint articles from this magazine for their Russian press.

Comrades Nikolaeva. “The first impulse on listening to the report of the Secretariat was to subject it to severe criticism. We hoped to learn from this report things, regarding the international movement, of the stages of its development, its experiences. The report however said nothing about this. Of course, great obstacles, the lack of connections explain the complex and difficult character of the work of the secretariat. The Secretariat must obtain from those, who came to this Conference, the most detailed facts and figures with regard to the movement, which we have failed to obtain up till now. Last year we accepted the Thesis at our Congress, but it is necessary for us Russians to know, what methods of work were appointed, how these Theses were conducted outside of Russia, have the parties abroad established women's departments? Last year we were also told, that, in the West there were separate Womens organisations. It is important for us to know, whether such organisations exist, whether they have been destroyed. Criticising the work of the Secretariat, comrade Nikolaeva pointed out yet another serious mistake. The International Secretariat, formulated those basic theses, last year, on prostitution, abortion, and an International Women's Day. These theses are totally inadequate. Instead of the theses on prostitution, and abortion, we showed how to put forward a basic thesis on the Dictatorship of the Proletariat, because only when we will attain the Dictatorship of the Proletariat will we solve the problems of prostitution, and abortion.

Comrade Lilina said, the report of Comrade Kolontai made the same impression on me, as it did on comrade Nikolaeva: The Executive Committee of the Comintern, holding the formal point of view of the singleness of the movement, took no interest in the work of the Women's International. Therein lies the chief evil of our work. If you ask me, what is my attitude on the question of creating a technical organ; my reply is: I am for it, and also against it.

We should have a uniform communist movement, incorporating within itself the movement among the women as part of a whole. But under the present circumstances we shall not make progress in our work without a technical organ. The most important point lies in supporting the Executive of the Comintern. Probably it is not the fault of the latter that the women's movement is so weak, — the communist movement assumed too large dimensions for it to be able to concentrate its attention on the women's movement. In any case, our one demand should be that the Comintern devote sufficient attention to the weak places in the communist movement among the proletarian women. That is the quintessence of the whole question.

Lucy Colliar (France.) remarked that there was no need to complain of the lack of contact with the International Secretariat, because she is well aware of all the difficulties which one has to contend with in Russia, when the country is surrounded by enemies and where the correspondence even of the French women does not get through. The speaker further stressed the neglect of work among the women that is generally observable in the Party, and pointed out the difference in the activities of the women communists and feminists, the latter having no sympathy with the proletariat. Those three press organs of which Kollontai spoke, do not as yet altogether belong to the Party. We want to make them organs of propaganda, specially devoted to backward masses. Expressing regret that France does not have leaders equal to Zetkin and Kollontai, Comrade Colliar nevertheless expressed complete faith in the success of the future work of women, and hoped that the methods of work which she will draw of the present conference will hae yielded the most fruitful results by the time the next Conference is held.

Comrade Roland Holst (Holland.) then spoke, she said:

“It was pointed out here that we work together with the anarchists, syndicalists and even Christian socialists. I wish to briefly explain the situation. Holland does not have any women's organisation of its own.

There is only one small union to which Communists, Anarahists and Christian Socialists belong. This union was formed during the war, for combatting the poverty of the working masses. After the Second Congress of the Comintern, a Communist group was organised in our union. A keen opposition was raised against this group, and many members left the Union. But the best section remained in the Communist Group, thanks to its organised chracter, we were able to do a considerable amount of educational work. The organs of the press of the Union and the agitational apparatus fell into the hands of the Communists. In the future, after the present conference, we shall have to change the form of organisation. We shall have to organise the Communists in a separate organisation which will be an apparatus attached to the Communist Party. If the International Secretariat does not desire to have women remain passive during a general strike or civil war, but desires that they should march side by side with the men, as they did in Petrograd in the February days, it must not limit itself to sending us watchwords and leaflets. What is wanted above all, is organisational work among women, a work which is confronted by tremendous difficulties. Therefore, the Secretariat must send us agitational and organisational assistants, who could instruct us how to conduct the work.

The next speaker was comrade Moirova (Ukraine) who said: “I am convinced that the Women Communist Movement will not develop unless the Communist International takes the work up, for that reason we must construct our apparatus so that it shall be inseverably connected with the Comintern. It does not matter where the Comintern will be, what is important is that it should be directly under the Comintern. As for the Technical Bureau, it is necesary to establish contact through the Party and the Women's Department”.

Comrade Arachian (Armenia) referred to the necessity of devoting greater attention to the work among the women of the East.

A representative of Tchecko-Slovakia stated that the movement in Tchecko-Slovakia was still young. It began in 1918, as the overwhelming majority of working women are employed in small workshops, these masses are not yet affected by Communism, but one thing at least may be said of them, that is that they are revolutionary. We hope that as a result of energetic work in this sphere, the women will be drawn within the circle of Communist ideas. We are awaiting instructions from the Third Communist International and promise unconditionally to carry them out. “To us one thing is clear”, she said, “If Russia wins, we will win”.

Comrade Kolontai's concluding speech.

Replying to the discussion, Comrade Kolontai in her concluding speech emphasized that her report was exclusively a business report of actual work done that the methods of that work will be discussed in another point on the Agenda. Once again it is necessary to point out the terrible isolation of the Secretariat from our Western comrades, which resulting from the world civil war has prevented almost any material reaching us. As a result of this, it is is impossible to give a complete report of the work of the Secretariat in the West, and the guidance of the work only answers the requirements to a minimum. Moreover, it is again necessary to emphasise that the absence of proper apparatus in the form of Women's Departments in the Communist Parties, does not render it possible to carry out these methods in the various areas. There is a tremendous consolation however, that life itself compels our comrades to avoid some of the mistakes we have made. Thus, recently in Sweden there were separate organisations, which however now are being abandoned. Replying to the remark of comrade Nikolaeva, that the theses on abortion and combatting prostitution were distributed by the International Secretariat Comrade Kolontai recalled that in her report she had stated that the International Working Women's Day, and the theses of comrade Semashko on abortion, and that of the Inter-Departmental Commision for combatting Prostitution were referred to in the enumeration of the literature despatched abroad in respond to the demands of our Western comrades, who were interested in these questions. In reply to the question of comrade Smedovitch and Arachian (Armenia) as to whether it is possible in the resolution to give individual countries the right to have contact with each other, comrade Kolontai stated; whereas comrade Zetkin had already pointed out all questions of principle must be conducted through the centre, but this should in no way interfere with the possibility of communication between the various countries, if however the control of the centre is preserved.

On the proposal of comrade Roland Holst to send organisational and agitational assistance to the various areas, Comrade Kolontai stated that the Secretariat has already worked out a plan in this connection. We foresaw this, but we did not submit the construction of the Secretariat for discussion by the Conference because we are only a section of the Comintern, and we, as an auxiliary organ of the Comintern could not discuss our organisation before the Congress of the Comintern had discussed its own reorganisation. Comrade Kolontai spoke with particular warmth on the importance of the work among women of the East for its struggle against capitalism, “Not a single large capitalist coutry she said could maintain itself if its colonies would revolt against her. The work must be conducted among the women of the East in order to shake the power of our world enemies; to attract to ourselves the women of the East is to obtain a future ally. In conclusions comrade Kolontai speaking for herself expressed the opinion that the title of the new organ of international work published in Germany “The Women's Comintern” should be changed to “The Bulletin of International Work among Women” if the language permits such an alteration.

The following resolution on the forms and methods of Communist work among women was then put to the vote and carried.

The resolution follows in «Moscow». The German text of the Comintern edition is given on the page of the Third Congress: Resolution über die Formen und Methoden der kommunistischen Arbeit unter den Frauen; see also Second International Conference of Communist Women (1921).

The March Action of the German Proletariat

«Moscow», No. 18, June 15th, 1921, p. 3.

We have received the following protest from Comrade Clara Zetkin against the opinion on the consequences of the March rebellion contained in the appeal of the International Women's Conference.

We also append a declaration of the German Women's Delegation on the same subject.

The Editor.

A Protest.

At the opening Meeting of the International Communist Women's Conference a motion of sympathy for the victims of the counter-revolution was carried, containing the following sentence: “Do you not see that the German proletariat has emerged stronger than ever from the heavy March fights?”

My conviction compells me to protest against this sentence. According to my estimate of the German situation this view is wrong in point of fact. My view is based on figures and facts.

This motion, unfortunately, was not known to me in time, so that I was unable to express my disagreement with it. I do not propose to deal with this question here, as it is far too important and controversial and one that the general International Congress will seek to solve. It is there that I propose to give my reasons for my convictions.

I regret that any judgment should have been passed on this controversial and one that the general International Congress will seek to solve. It is there that I propose to give my reasons for my convictions.

Of course, I fully endorse the expression of sympathy to our heroes and martyrs as well as to the conception that we must be thankful to the historical development.

I am fully convinced that the German proletariat, is spite of the March defeat, taught by its experience, will appear more prepared, and enthusiastic than ever in the field of revolutionary struggle and rectify what in my opinion it had ommited to do.

Clara Zetkin.

Declaration.

With regard to the protest made by Com. Clara Zetkin to be incorporated in the proceedings of the International Women's Conference the German delegation has the following statement to make:

1. The alleged data and figures intended to prove that the United Communist Party of Germany has suffered greatly during the March days, were up for investigation by the Central Committee of the above party, and by unanimous assent have been found either entirely false or fantastically exaggerated.

2. This data alleged to have been based on facts, have been compiled by the henchmen of Paul Levi, who had actively and passively sabotaged the March uprising, and rendered assistance to the enemies of the party, and to the Government Prosecutor.

The German delegation of the Womens' Conference is therefore obliged to vigorously oppose the protest declaration made by Com. Clara Zetkin, albeit the ultimate decision regarding the March uprising is to be reserved for the world Congress.

3. The German delegation is likewise opposed to the view expressed by com. Zetkin to the effect that the Womens' Conference must not overlook the tactical problems of the Communist International and is empowered to discuss the same.

In making this statement, the German delegation and only it alone, speaks in the name of the Party.

Bertha Braunthal. Berta Sturm. Berta Geffke. G. Faber. J. Mildner.

Women's Congress. Report of Session of June 12th

«Moscow», No. 18, June 15th, 1921, p. 4.

The Session of June 12th opened at 11 a. m. with comrade Zetkin in the chair.

The delegate of the Polish Communist Party to the Third Congress of the Comintern, conveyed greetings to the Conference, in the course of which he said that although there was no women representatives from Poland at that conference, it did not mean that the women of Poland do not participate in the communist movement. “We have no separate women's organisation. We approach to working woman in the same way as we do the man. Furthermore the illegal conditions of our party do not permit the organisation of a special women's section. Perhaps, when conditions will change, we will have to build a special technical apparatus. My burning desire is to see the women drawn into the fight for the dictatorship of the proletariat. For without their active participation this great aim cannot be accomplished”.

Comrade Kolontai then reported on the forms and methods of work among woman. She said: “The moment experienced at present in Soviet Russia and in the Western European countries is characterised by its immediate objective conditions. There, as well as here, the pressing problem is economic reconstruction, and development of the industrial forces. The difference is only in that, that Russia can directly proceed to change her economic forms, while in the capitalist countries the proletariat must yet liquidate the dictatorship of the bourgeoisie. Formerly the problem of the socialist parties was to gather around concrete demands, which were a possibility within the frames of work of a bourgeois society. But now the problem is quite different: it is the education of the masses in the spirit of their active awakening and expression of their will power impulses. Woman's chief enemy is her passivity, which she must overcome. But for this we must find the necessary methods. We have to construct our apparatus in such a way, that it will sever the basic aims at our party. Our immediate question is to take such a decision, that would oblige all communist parties to pay the most serious attention to this work. Then we have to strengthen the respective forms of this apparatus.

Illustrating the experience of the Russian communists, comrade Kollontai, reduced the aggregate of that experience to three fundamental tasks of the Women's Section: to draw the broad masses into the Communist Party, to inspire initiative into the proletarian and semi-proletarian women, and questions of the emancipation of women, with regard to family, domestic and other relations. The various forms of organising work, as they appeared in Russia. consists in 1) the initial organisational basis — the nuclei within the factories etc., 2) delegate meetings, and 3) Wide non-party conferences. Parallel with this, of vast importance in the business of attracting the broad masses of the women workers, is the political and economic campaigns (“Subotniki”, special “Weeks”, special “Days”, etc.).

The reporter likewise drew attention to the great usefulness of the work of the Literary Collegiates in the Women's Sections, the holding of discussions and debates in the form of mock trials, and work in the party schools.

Speaking of the application of all the above enunerated methods abroad, the reporter pointed out that uniform methods cannot be equally applied to the highly developed bourgeois countries and to the countries of the East. For a large capitalist country the task of the Women's Sections would be to inspire, and develop self-activity of the mass of working women with the aim of winning them over politically. The working women should take advantage of their participation in parliament and in the municipalities in so far as it is possible to accentuate the class contradictions, by means of the actual need of the proletariat, as well as sharply to expose the inability of the social-patriots to carry on a determined struggle. In the East, on the other hand, where the women live under specific conditions, under the age-long yoke of tradition, it is imperative to display the utmost flexibility, to apply unhesitatingly what would perhaps seem the most paltry measures in order to rouse the women of the East and draw them within the circle of communist ideas. The first thing to be done is to organise the women economically. Simultaneous with this cultural and educational work should be developed to the highest degree.

In summarising her report, comrade Kollontai, remarked that the centre of work should be the trade unions, the task of winning over which represents the fundamental problem of the Communist Party.

The discussion on Kollontai's report was adjourned to the next session which will be held on the 13th inst.

Women's Congress. Report of Morning Session of July 13th

«Moscow», No. 19, June 16th, 1921, p. 3. The heading reads «July 13th»: an error for June 13th.

The Conference opened at 11. 30 a. m. with Comrade Clara Zetkin in the chair.

Greetings were conveyed by the delegate from the Persian C. P. and a delegate from the Russian Young Communists.

Greetings were conveyed by a delegate from Finland in the name of the Finnish Women Communists, who vividly described the horrors of the White Terror in Finland.

After that followed the discussion on the report of Comrade Kolontai read on June 12th on the form and methods of work amongst women.

Comrade Smedovitch illustrated the work amongst women in Russia, by pointing to the arrangements of delegate meetings and Communist groups in the factories. The delegates, as experience has proved, presents a powerful means of drawing the broad masses of women workers into the Communist Party and Soviet work. The circumstance that the delegates meetings are called periodically — in Moscow every 3—4 months imbues every delegate with the thought of the responsibility of her work. At the delegate meetings, all practical women workers are called to the various Departments of the Soviet, which in its turn imbues the mass of women electors with confidence in the Soviet institutions, which in this manner comes under their control. The delegate meetings must become actual schools for Communism: during the 3—4 months the delegate unconsciously goes through the whole course of the program of the Communist Party. With regard to the immediate work in localities, in enterprises, and factories such work has only commenced recently, and with this aim, the chief tasks are placed on the Communist Groups organisers conjointly with the delegates to penetrate into the very midst of the women workers.

The delegate from the Dutch Communist Party spoke next. She said that the question of where and how to influence the women and to capture them for Communism, is one of the most important questions which we have to decide. The Communist Party of Holland has already commenced its communist propaganda amongst women.

A commission has now been formed at Amsterdam for Communist propaganda amongst women. A large number of women-housekeepers, and factory workers are quite consciously attracted into our Party. The speaker emphasized the fact that the centre of gravity of the whole work, must be transferred to the Communist Groups in the factories and workshops. At all other enterprises we must untilise the forces of the Women Communists, for work among women.

Comrade Clara Zetkin followed next: “We have to thank comrade Kolontai”, she said, “for the fundamental idea of her report. It is understood that our most important work, is the educational work amongst women. The weakness of the women proletariat is not due to lack of organisation, but in the weakness of Revolutionary Will power, in the lack of confidence in their own powers. However, I do not agree with comrade Kolontai on another point. She outlined the plan of our work too mechanically. Of course no one can deny that our chief task is the work amongst the women industrial proletariat. We will even have to bring pressure on the Congress of the Red Trade Unions, in order that they should put forward a special resolution dealing with the organisation of women workers. We must not forget the fact, for instance, that in Germany, only a fifth part of all the women are occupied in independent productive labour. The great majority of women—even proletarian women are housekeepers. This applies not only to Germany but also to France, Italy, Switzerland and to all countries of Western Europe. Therefore it is absolutely necessary, that we draw into the struggle these proletarian women who are engaged in housekeeping. We must not regard this as of second rate importance. These are—two aspects of the same task. How stands the matter with the peasant women? Our agitation in the villages must apply to men and women. A great part of the peasant women, are already proletarianised they present a favourable ground for Communist agitation. The conduct of the peasants farm largely depends on the peasant woman. In the event of her illness or death, the thing goes to pieces. The peasant woman lives under as great a yoke of capitalism, as the proletarian woman, it is only Communism that can give freedom. Comrade Zetkin also thought it very necessary to pay great attention to the work amongst the educated women, working in Government Departments. They are connected with the political apparatus of the State. They are serving that apparatus which crushes and oppresses the proletariat. At the same time their position is a very difficult one. In times of crises or bankruptcy, women are the first to be thrown on the streets. The work of capturing this class cannot be left till the time when the apparatus of the bourgeois State will be wrecked. It is understood, that the whole of this work must go on without a shadow of abatement because of bourgeois opinion. Apart from that, it is quite clear that this work must not take one atom of our forces from the work amongst the women of the industrial proletariat”.

The representative of Germany followed comrade Zetkin. She reported on how the work amongst women is organised in Germany. The work is conducted by an agitational committee, composed of five people. Every member of the committee has a special duty to perform: one takes charge of the agitational literature, another, the agitation of the domestic workers, the third, work in various enterprises etc. Separate groups are affiliated to district groups, the districts into counties. Every district group has a secretary. The essence of that organisation is that it is headed by a member of the Party Committee, and all the work is conducted under immediate leadership of that comrade. The work amongst the domestic workars is extremely difficult: usually it is done by comrades, who have streets specially assigned to them. In conclusion the comrade pointed out the necessity of conduction agitational work in all enterprises, and Trade Unions, in the direction of exposing the compromising policy of the Social Patriots, who have taken root there.

Comrade Bluer (America) spoke next. She expressed pleasure at the fact that the Third International will define the form and methods of work amongst the mass of the working women. Our Communist Party, she continued, is working underground, consequently it is extremely difficult to crystalise special forms of the women's movement. Our chief work is conducted in the Trade Unions. Comrade Bluer who is here as a representative of a Trade Union reported in detail by what methods the Communists get into the very midst of the American Women workers.

In conclusion Comrade Bluer again emphasized the need for working especially in the trade union movement.

Comrade Nikolaeva (Petrograd), analysing all the methods of working amongst women practised in Russia, especially the work of the “sections” and delegate meetings expressed conviction that delegate meetings play a tremendous part in instilling a communist spirit amongst the large masses of women workers which they attract. By means of these delegate meetings we create bands of agitators who reach right down into the heart of the masses; and from amongst whom, from time to time, many gifted and practical workers are drafted into the Soviet institutions. She illustrated by figures the growth of the women's Communist movement, which thanks to the activities of the Petrograd Women's Department, quickly attracted women into Soviet work. Thus, formerly there were 45 women members in the Petrograd Soviet, then 200, then 340 and now over 500.

Further comrade Nikolaeva pointed out the part which women take in public education and food departments. Dealing with the work amongst the peasant women Comrade Nikolaeva described the deep interest which is shown by peasant women in large non-party conferences. These conferences are now part of the scheme of work amongst women, and considerable attention is to be devoted to them, in view of the fact that the change in internal conditions — the transition to peaceful economic re-construction — confronts the Women's Departments with new and more important questions — the attraction of foreign women workers and peasants and the fact that conditions abroad are almost the same as those which existed here under Kerenski in 1917. She spoke of the need of agitation for taking an active part in the proletariat's struggle for capturing political power. As delegate conferences abroad cannot yet be carried out it is therefore necessary to build spceial organisations to suit the special conditions of each country.

Comrade Krupskaya expressed her opinion that there seemed to be no difference in the points of view of comrade's Zetkin and Kolontai. She pointed out that the theses spoke of specific Russian conditions and emphasized the close relations between the women workers and women peasants.

The Swiss delegate then said a few words and observed that the report of comrade Kolontai gave the delegates a clear conception of the ways and means of working under Russian conditions, whereas they required a plan of action to suit the conditions of the countries where capitalism still existed. West European countries could be divided into two categories as regards the work being done amongst women. In the first group are those countries where hardly any agitation has been carried on amongst women. In the second group are such countries as Germany and some other states where attempts have already been made to found an organisation accepting the resolutions of the First International Women's Conference. The report of the comrade who dealt with the work in Germany seems to be examplary. The organisation of a Central Secretariat and district secretaries seems to be almost ideal for us. I believe that these theses should be accepted. But first of all we must devote all our energies to put into action the theses and resolutions adopted at the former conference. Besides these we must strive at making the Comintern Congress seriously consider the question of beginning work amongst the women proletariat.

The next speaker was the Austrian delegate. She emphasized the necessity of adopting different tactics for Russia and for the capitalist countries. The workers in Russia have already passed those stages in which the Western proletariat still finds itself. The Russian men and women are now issuing their slogans of construction, we have as yet to make our slogans of destruction. If we were issuing our slogans of construction, we would have fallen into opportunism and have deserted our post of working in common with the Russian Proletariat. The speaker proposed that the work amongst women should be divided into the following three groups. 1) Housewives 2) Women workers who are at the same time housewives and factory workers and 3) Factory workers. It is natural that the first group should be the most backward. They must be approached in a special manner. One must talk to them of their children, of their daily economic life, of their domestic difficulties etc. The factory women feels herself a real part of the proletariat and as a class she is conscious and revolutionary. She can be directly approached on the revolution. But a careful approach is necessary for the intelligent working woman. We may not make an active communist of her, but we can undoubtedly arouse her sympathy towards us. The Russian worker must not forget the special circumstances under which the worker of the West lives, and the fight with petty-bourgeois-ism and routine which hinders his revolutionary work.

Luciy Colliard from France then addressed the Conference. She pointed out that the syndicates offered a wide field for work among women. She emphasised the need for obtaining complete control of the syndicates by the party and believes that in the most reactionary syndicates strong attempts at communist work were being made. She emphasized the need for caution in propaganda amongst women and showed the necessity of putting party energy into working amongst women. The party up to the present has not devoted much energy to this work, but we lay strong hopes on the teachers who are being furtunately driven into it by the goverment. These modest workers, living side by side with the peasant masses will be the most active elements for instilling revolutionary consciousness into the masses of the peasant women, and will help to win them over to communism, The high cost of living, the struggle with profiteering, extremely prevalent in France and other countries, will show the manner of approaching this part of the population.

The representative of Germany said that in the sphere of work amongst housewives special attention must be paid to the consumers cooperatives, and clubs for mothers and housewives which we must penetrate with our communist propaganda. Special attention must be paid to the trade unions In Germany we have 9.000.000 organised trade unionists, of whom about 2.000.000 are women. It is essential that the party in every country makes each of its members join a trade union. Our work is of such a nature that we have our groups in every institution at whose conferences we must arouse sympathy and which must discuss all questions before they are touched by the trade union conferences, As for example, the Executive of the Engineering Union, where we have a communist majority. We have had two special organising conferences of the workers in the clothing industry. She proposed that the International Congress of Trade Unions have a special report of the question of work amongst women.

The conference then adjourned till 7 p. m.

Women's Congress. Report of Evening Session of June 13th

«Moscow», No. 20, June 17th, 1921, p. 3.

The delegate from Bulgaria continued the discussion: she said that the question of methods and forms of the Woman's movement are not new to us. The theses worked out by the conference last year were accepted and carried out by us. Our small country with its small agrarian population of 4 million can present to this conference actual results of our work. Capitalism commenced to develop in our country 10—15 years ago and at the very start the women were drawn into industry. Out of 300.000 workers 40% are women. This is why the large masses of women joined the growing revolutionary movement. It reached however, a special stage of development in 1914. In that year auxiliary apparatus within the parties were formed for agitational work among women. The Central Committee formed a special Women's Central Commission and Women's Committee with the local committees, which numbered 162 all over the country. Great work is being done in the formation of circles among the peasantry. Every 6 months we have a Woman's Red Week. During the railway strike of 1919, the women participated most actively in the movement and served as a living connection between the comrades who were in prison and the Central Committee which was leading this great strike.

The speaker concluded her speech by expressing the wishes that the women's movement next year will have grown to such a stage as will demand the working out of a thesis for Soviet re-construction the world over.

The representative from Tchecko-Slovakia said; “All our work is being conducted on the principle established by the Third International Congress. At this conference we must correct the mistakes of last year. The women must get the right to vote, and this, not for feminist reasons, but because of the great educational value of such a right. Only when the woman will be involved in political work, shall we make a revolutionary fighter of her”.

“We will be glad”, concluded the speaker, “if next year we will not need a special woman's congress, but will have a general interparty communist congress”.

The Armenian representative said: “The task of the Communist International is to mobilize the proletarian masses for a struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat. But side by side with the proletariat there are other great masses of people, who suffer not less than the proletariat under the yoke of capitalism. These are the peoples of the East. They are also ripe for the revolution. They rising already for the storming of the capitalist stronghold. The whole nation participates in this struggle. This is a war for liberation of nations. The work of the women of the East must make it its object to draw in great masses of women into this war. Naturally work of such a character demands special methods. We must remember, that without successful work done in the East, we will not be able to establish the social revolution in the West. The women of the East must go hand in hand with the women of the West”. The speaker proposed to all the representatives of Eastern countries at the conference to gather at a special conference to discuss methods and forms of work amongst the women of the East”.

The delegate from Hungary said: “Before we discuss the theses and methods among women, permit me to describe the women's movement in Hungary. Hungary, at present has not any women's movement in the real sense of the word. The reign of White Terror for the last two years has rendered it impossible to create such a movement. However a certain interest in the movement is noticeable. Within the communist parties, which are illegal, there are special apparatus for work among women. These organisations are also illegal. It is necessary at this conference to work out for them a form of organisation. Of course it is impossible to build one international form of organisation for these illegal apparatus. The speaker therefore asked delegates of countries which have underground women organisations, assemble in order to work out methods for their work.

“Before the war, she continued, the movement was insignificant. During the communist revolution in Hungary women were not given responsible political work. Now things have changed, for the bloody reaction equally affects the working women as it does the working men. Now the woman of Hungary is ripe for revolution”.

Comrade Kudell, dwelt on methods for the rousing activity among woman workers. There is one sure way to this, viz: closely to observe the woman masses and know how to draw out their abilities. For this purpose special circles, literary, agitational and others, must be organised where the most able can display her abilities. Such a method of work has a great educational value. The speaker replied to comrade Colliar who stated that in France the work among women is done by teachers. The working women must rely upon themselves and not upon the intelligenzia. The intelligenzia is revolutionary only as long as it is oppressed, but it will desert the proletariat on the day when the proletariat will take power. It is necessary to create a purely proletarian intelligenzia. Comrade Kudeli speaks of the formation of special organisational courses for the training of instructors for agitation in the country and in the provinces. The speaker concludes her speech by an exclamation: “Long live the communistic intelligenzia which came from the ranks of the proletariat”.

Comrade Smythe then spoke and said: “One cannot approach a British worker with a mere dry theory. The English worker is more class conscious and better trained for the understanding of his position and his problems, than we think. Although he lacks knowledge and theory and fundamentals of communism he learns by actual practice. All that takes place in Russia is understandable by the healthy mind of the English worker. Nothing is so rapidly approaching the social revolution in England as as the labour movement at the present time. The English workers are conducting a firm policy in the spirit of the Third International.

In the field of woman's work, very little has been done. The International Secretariat is partly to blame for this. We have not yet received the instructions, which were worked out at the First Women's Conference last year.

In England we have not any special apparatus for woman's work but the English delegation considers it necessary to have such apparatus.

In England the working women are mature for Communism. The work among them, however, should be carried not on the basis of theory, but by training on concrete activity. We should infuse in them the principles of self activity. In England the Party is weak, if judged by its membership. But if judged by its influence over the masses, it should be considered very strong. Thanks to the Communist Party the workers refused to load arms for the White Polish Army during the war with Soviet Russia. Much credit for this should be given to the women communists, who carried on a lively agitation at the dock for the purpose. The hour of the social revolution in England is undoubtedly approaching, and precisely because of this it is necessary to exert all efforts to ensure that the women do not become an impediment to that revolution. Attention should be paid to the growing generation. Care should be taken that the working mothers bring up their children conformable with, and attach them to the necessary Communist institutions. In England it is important to pay attention to the housewives, who are more susceptible to communist propaganda than the women in the trade unions. The speaker further objected to the thesis on parliamentarism, considering that the germ of parliamentarism would only undermine the revolutionary feeling of the masses and hinder them from undertaking direct methods of struggle. The speaker concluded by pointing out the importance of intensified work in the cooperative societies.

The delegate from Korea said: “On Kolontai's theses and in the discussion of them I heard nothing about the methods of work among the women of the Far East. Western Europe and to some extent, the Near East has been made the centre of activity, particularly of the women's movement. It does not need repeating that the basis of every social movement, including that of the women, is economic conditions. Economic conditions have forced the women of the Far East to leave the harems and go to work in the factory or on the plantation. I am in possession of Japanese statistics from Korea. In 1920, where there was a population of 20 millions, there were 3.235.000 women workers working at the plantations, 128.000 working in the factories, 66.000 on transport, there are altogether four and a half million women wage workers. These figures speak convincingly of what Japanese Imperialism has accomplished. The same thing although in a milder form, is obtained in China. Further, women have only merely broken with the harem, they have become revolutionized to no less degree than the men. At the beginning the women's movement bore a feminist character like the movement in America, whence it was borrowed. But the economic conditions have done their work. The famine in 1919 deprived a huge part of the small proprietors of their plots of land, and consequently still more the army of the women proletarians. In Japan, moreover, there is at present an acute over production, as a result of which unemployment among women has grown enormously. Traffic in women has developed to an incredible extent. Societies have even been formed to engage in that traffic. As a result of all this, the women in Korea have become active revolutionaries; the more progressive part of them, even armed themselves and went into the ranks of the insurgent forces. In Korea, there are quite a number of revolutionary women's organisations, (Society of Patriotic Women, Society of the Red Cross, League of the Red Death and others) which are of a terrorist nature, and whose leaders have now been in jail for two or three years, 597 members of these detachments are now incarcerated in the jails of Korea. All these organisations bear the character of a movement for national liberation, directed against Japanese Imperialism, and this is what we have to reckon with in drawing up the methods of work among the women of the Far East. Swayed precisely by these considerations the Delegation of the Far East proposes two supplements to the theses:

1. In relation to the movement for national liberation, and;

2. in relation to the revolutionary intelligenzia.

Kolontai then spoke, she said: “The Austrian delegate was perfectly right when she pointed out that we have combined under one principle, diverse conditions of work such as exist in Soviet Russia and in capitalist countries. This diverstity of methods is necessitated by the diversity of political conditions. While here, in Soviet Russia, our chief care is construction, in capitalist countries it is destruction, which according alters the methods of work. The capitalist countries are now living through, not a preparatory period of the dictatorship of the proletariat generally, but are on the threshold of the social revolution. This should be taken for a guiding factor in the appreciation of every practical demand. Comrade Zetkin, — and many others too have spoken here about the work among the intellectual women. I generally, have no objection to this work, particularly on consideration of the role which the intellectual women occupy in the bourgeois economic machine, and which renders them extremely valuable for the proletariat at the moment of the transfer of power into the latter's hands. It is necessary, however, to introduce full clarity on the point as to who is to serve as the fundamental nucleus, the foundation of all our activity. Neither the peasant woman, nor the intellectual women, nor the house-wives are that. The foundation of all our work should be and can only be the women worker, the wage labourer. It is necessary to have a well crystallised communist nucleus, organically strong and welded by an iron party discipline concentrating withing itself the will of the revolutionary Proletariat. Only if we possess such a nucleus shall we be able, at the necessary and decisive moment, to secure the backing of the broad masses, only on that condition shall we be guaranteed against fatal vacillation and irresolution at the critical moment.

Our Oriental comrades called attention to the fact that the intrinsic value of our conference is not at all in that it has advanced or established any new methods of work they have remained as before but precisely in the fact that this Conference was the first in History to set up in all its magnitude the question of the working women in the East. Our Eastern comrades would like to see in our resolutions exhaustive instructions for carrying on the work among the women of the East, whereas we are at present only able to mark out here the main road, and leave to the Eastern comrades themselves to suggest the details for our methods. Our methods, established last year have proved correct. This is attested to by our Conference and our debates which have revealed that many countries, not knowing of the resolutions adopted, have independently approached them and employed them during all their work. Our Conference has merely broadened, vitalised and complemented them, as is proved by the number of amendments made by comrades of various countries. It speaks most strikingly of the fact that however modest the work of our Conference has been, it signifies a step forward on the road to establishing the Soviet Government in all the countries of the world.

End of the Evening Session.

International Congress of Women Communists. Report of Congress Morning Session of June 14th

«Moscow», No. 21, June 19th, 1921, pp. 3-4. The beginning of comrade Lilina's speech is not reported in «Moscow».

Comrade Lilina continued her speech on the dictatorship of the proletariat. “The Third Communist International has placed before itself the clear and definite aim of overthrowing the capitalist system and establishing the dictatorship of the proletariat.

The spreading of the world revolution and recent events have brought forward the question: either a dictatorship of the bourgeoisie, or a dictatorship of the proletariat.

The world trend of events after the war is expressed in the following manner: women, taking the place of men during the war, weakened the strength of the organised proletariat and this to a certain degree caused extraordinary high prices and over production. Under these circumstances, immediately after the war, there was a series of potent mass movements in many countries. Thus in Germany during 1918 and 1919 the government fell into the hands of the social-democrats and trade unions; a Soviet Republic was established in Bavaria, a strong movement for seizing factories and establishing workers control developed in Italy. Throughout the whole of Europe there was a wide strike movement. But the social patriots and trade union bureaucrats reduced to naught the revolutionary enthusiasm of the proletariat and by this means the first attempts of the proletariat to finish with bourgeois rule were without result. This year we witnessed a new rise in the movement. World capitalism has not only failed in its attempts to strengthen itself, but is showing its incompetency in being unable to solve its economic problems. Unemployment is rife to a tremendous extent in all the capitalist countries. In England for example there are to-day over 5 million unemployed; in the textile industry alone 90% of the workers are idle. We ask, are the struggles of those fighting against capitalism to be just as fruitless as they were in the recent after war period? Capitalism has assumed the offensive along the whole line. It compels the suffering proletariat to work for reduced wages and longer hours. It is attacking the workers trade unions organisations. Its sole aim is to destroy the fighting spirit of the proletariat and to reduce it to its former state of slavery. But the working class everywhere is rising. In Norway we had a general strike, in which 120.000 men took part, in Italy — the solid strike of civil servants. In England — the irreconcilable miners' strike, and now that of the textile workers. In Bavaria the strike movement is becoming strengthened more and more.

In order not to allow the present struggles of the proletariat to be as fruitless as those which have passed before, it is necessary to follow the tactics of the Third Communist International, to keep up the spirit of the masses, continually exhorting them to seize power, and to expose all reformists who attempt to drag the proletariat down.

The role of the women communists in this movement is extremely great. We can emphasize this as a fact that in all those countries where there was a split in the socialist movement the women inevitably go over to the communists And this is not surprising. During and after the war the woman worker suffered more than anyone else”. Comrade Lilina illustrated the capitalist regime by quoting from a book published in London by Russian White Guard savants. In this book are exposed the horrors of the exploitation of child labour in England. So that whilst in Soviet Russia no child under the age of 16 is allowed to work, children of 10 and 11 years of age in England are employed in all branches of industry. For example, children of 11 and 12 and 15 work in the textile industry from 6 a. m. to 9 p. m., i. e. 15 hours at a stretch.

“The problems of women communists in bourgeois countries must be agitation and propaganda among the masses, keeping in view their chief aim the conquest of political power. Municipal councils, the press and meetings must all be made use of in the widest possible manner to spread this idea. The discontent of the proletariat must be made use of, not in order to create a satisfied proletariat in the midst of a capitalist system, but to demonstrate the futility of reform as a means of solving any economic or domestic problems; to expose the social-compromisers and, not to call for the re-establishment of the crumbling capitalist system, but to call for its complete destruction and the establishment of the workers' dictatorship With this object in view all those parties which are affiliated to the Third International must cleanse themselves of any doubtful elements and devote all their energies not to secure increase in the membership but to perfecting the quality of vanguard units.

Comrade Lilina acquainted the foreign delegates whith their colossal revolutionary and creative work which was accomplished by the Russian women workers from the July days of 1917 and also the legislative work of the Soviet Government in the sphere of protecting woman and child labour.

In concluding her speech she said “that fight which is now being waged in the West and East must not be in vain, and I believe that in will not be so. In the name of this conference and under that banner of the Third Communist International let us march on to the dictatorship of the proletariat”.

Comrade Gerten said: “Before dealing with my report I wish to state a few preliminary remarks. To describe the conditions of the struggle for the dictatorship of the proletariat in Western Europe and America. I would have to gather a considerable amount of material. Therefore I will base myself on conditions in Germany, where the women communist movement is more developed. According to all indications Germany is nearer than ever to the establishment of the proletarian dictatorship. For the women the dictatorship of the proletarian is even more a vital necessity than for men; because it will free them from a double yoke — capitalism and the family. Although actual conditions drive the women into the revolutionary struggle, subjectively she belongs, as yet, to a backward strata. This is because even the factory woman is drawn into a triple circle of contradictory obligations — as a wage worker, a housewife and mother. Instead of 8 hours, her working day is 15 hours. She has neither the time, nor the strength to devote herself to political or social work. On the other hand, the State is trying its best to keep her in ignorance. The Church, even in Russia, as yet has its stupefying affect upon the women, especially upon the peasant woman. What shall we say then, about the capitalistic countries, where the Church is the organ of State?

The reactionary parties are trying with all their might, to convince the woman that all her suffering, the high cost of living, unemployment etc., are due to the workers, who are turbulent, strike and present impossible demands. The social democrats and other tacitly reactionary parties try to convince her that the vote is a panacea for all her troubles. A good deal has been done for the women by the German trade union, the unions which would have a woman in a responsible position. Sometimes, even in communistic circles, there is a certain prejudice against the woman's right to vote. Surely, this point of view is wrong. It is necessary for the women to get her full equal rights in order that they may be convinced through experience, that the communist party in their only redeemer, that everywhere, as yet, is the woman drawn into revolutionary struggle. Therefore, we are so delighted with Soviet Russia, where the woman frequently have advanced even ahead of the man. We must, by all means, overcome the passivity of woman. Propaganda and agitation must be turned into direct action, to show the working woman, that her fate is shared by milliards of proletarians the world over, and that high cost of living, unemployment, child mortality, etc. obtains in all capitalist countries.

In this way we shall be able to overcome the backwardness of women, and imbue them with the will of the struggle. The women themselves must come out actively in defence of their vital demands. From their own experience they must convince themselves that they will not achieve their demands under the capitalistic regime. The position of the women is made even worse because of her competition within her own class. In Germany, in time of crisis, not women, but men are the first to be thrown out into the streets, because it is more profitable for the factory owners to retain women. In some unions the question arose of preventing women, who had husbands to keep them, from working in the factories. We had a tremendous struggle to prove that it was necessary to have women as wage workers. We are planning now to fight for equal pay for men and women, protection of woman's labour, and protection of motherhood as a social function of women to nullify which strenuous efforts have been made recently. All this leads to one thing, to the emancipation of women, which is impossible without the overthrow of capitalism and the establishment of the dictatorship of the proletariat. Gradually this is being realised by the woman. For instance, after the German revolution, free help to lying in woman was declined, only because the social democratic government was short of money. Facts like these show clearly to the working women, that they have nothing to expect from the bourgeoisie, the so-called socialist parties. The strength of the woman grows with her struggle. In March of this year, in many places many women came out together with men. It is necessary to prepare the women for decisive struggle between labour and capital. The women's movement must not be limited to specific women's questions.

The woman communist must be assured of her right of initiative.

The woman is wakening up now. The miners' strike in England is proceeding successfully, only because the women workers and the workers' wives actively showed their sympathies to the striking miners. In Germany during March the women at many enterprises came out on strike together with men, and together with the men were thrown out on the street. The communist parties should exert all their efforts to make use of the women during the revolutionary struggle. They can serve as messengers, and scouts and so forth. Attention should be paid to the domestic servants. As a whole they have up till now been in spiritual bondage to their mistresses, whereas domestic servants could be of much service to the party. In the event of revolutionary fighting, it is necessary to create cadres of Red nurses, in order not to have a repetition of what occurred in Bavaria during the deposition of the Soviet Government, when doctors and nurses refused on principle to attend to our wounded. It is time moreover, to forget the pacifist prejudices that women are unable to wield arms. They can and they should take an active part in the revolutionary fighting. It was in Berlin in January where the communist women managed the machine guns, it was so at Munch, where they took part in defending the city and a number of other places. In the event of any new revolutionary outburst in Germany, a part of the working women will be with us, a part will remain neutral, and part will be frankly hostile. Our duty, the duty of the women communist, is to make the first larger than the second and the third. It is necessary to maintain the closest contact between the communist women's movement and the general Communist movement. It is absolutely imperative that women take part in political life. The communist women should take part in the solution of all political questions both of a national and international character. The Communist Women's Conference should give its opinion on the questions of principles of the communist movement.

Comrade Gerten then gave a detailed elucidation of the March events in Germany and drew a parallel between them and the Kapp revolt, expressing the conviction that the defeat of the proletariat in active fight always in the end, signifies the strengthening of its forces. She entertained no doubt that every such test will serve to the advantage of the Communist Party of Germany, that it will emerge victorious in the present situation and its very errors, recognised and rectified, will be to the advantage of the international movement”.

After the interval the floor was granted to comrade Wertheimer (Austria).

Comrade Wertheimer dealt only with the first part of Gerten's report on the role of the women in the German revolution. She said: it is necessary to discriminate between the two conceptions — the economic position of the country, which gives rise to revolutionary feeling, and the maturity of the proletariat for revolution. The economic position in Central Europe is already ripe for a communist revolution, but the proletariat is not sufficiently prepared for determined action. One of the causes of its immaturity is the backward state of the women. Our task is to raise the class consciousness of the working women and draw them into the fight. Various methods have been suggested here, but they should not only deal with the organisation side of the question; they should indicate the very form of action.

Comrade Wertheimer disagreed with comrade Gerten, who pointed out two diverse methods: the method of agitation and the method of activity. Comrade Wertheimer declared that no line must be drawn between these two methods. Propaganda and action are one inseparable whole, mutually complementing each other. In the revolutionary struggle, the working women should not set up their own specific aims, they should simply take up their stand as revolutionary fighters for the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Our duty is to raise the revolutionary consciousness of the working women and prepare them for the seizure of power by the proletariat. At present the proletariat has not yet succeeded in manifesting a sufficiently strong determination to fight. Its inertness should be overcome, and this is primarily the task of the women; this is her chief role in the proletarian revolution.

Comrade Wolnaya emphasizes the correctness of Kolontai's statement about the necessity of applying different methods in conformity with the different social groupings of the working woman. There must be a special method of approach to the housewife, the factory woman, and the peasant woman. No attention has been paid up till now to another point — to the difference of age between the women workers. There is a group of women workers that is not only economically but psychologically more susceptible to revolutionary propaganda and more fit for the fight — and that is the young working women.

Comrade Wolnaya pointed to the vast importance of the Young Communist League in Belgium. The young communist organisations sometimes are even stronger than the communist parties. Therefore work among the young women should be conducted through the young communist organisations, which possess a remarkable capacity for inspiring the working women with their enthusiasm.

Comrade Wolnaya expressed the hope that the resolution on contact between the Women's Sections and the Young Communist League which will be submitted by the Executive of the Young International will be sympathetically accepted by the Conference and carried out.

Comrade Shtremer (Austria): “Returning to the question touched at yesterday's sitting comrade Shtremer, replied to the charges levelled at the Austrian Party, because of the practical demands put forward, as an agitational method for drawing the women workers into the Party struggle. They are called opportunists. Comrade Shtremer emphatically denied the charge of opportunism. She said that demands of a practical character, are of interest not only to women, but to the working class as a whole. In dealing with the concrete demands of the Proletariat, we can approach them the more easily and thus gain its confidence. Further, comrade Shtremer remarked that if one studies the Austrian movement, one must take into consideration the peculiar situation of Austria. The charge that revolutionary ardour is absent, is unjust. It is not the will that the proletariat of Austria lacks. Apart from the extremely difficult conditions that Austria labours under, she is in a very peculiar international position. No movement of the Austrian proletariat can be successful, unless it is supported by the German proletariat. Theoretically, we do not withdraw from activities. The Communist Party of Austria, must first gain the confidence of the proletariat. We must take into consideration the state of preparedness of the masses, in putting forward practical demands, we must see not opportunism, but a practical way of approaching the masses. We are educating them for the Revolution, and must hope that when the moment arrives, our proletariat will be in its place in the ranks of the fighters for this dictatorship.

Comrade Helfke (Germany), Germany just now is passing through a very sharp civil war, therefore it is absolutely essential just now, to draw the women into the common revolutionary struggle. In that we have already been successful. In the first place, we must educate the women Communists so, that they can carry on the permanent work of the party, according to their powers and abilities. Those women who have already attached themselves to our party, understand excellently that only through civil war, can they attain the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. They have no illusions as to the sacrifices they will entail. In the days of the Kapp rising, our comrades particularly in the Rhine provinces, and in Westphalia carried out duties of a various kind. They were at the front as rank and file fighters, as nurses, arranged food centres for fugitives, and conducted a very active agitational propaganda. The German revolution has already lasted more than two years, and throughout this period we suffered a number of heavy defeats, and still our women Communists have not lost their valour. Their theoretical training is very weak, but they feel and act as real revolutionaries, they realise that there is no other way.

Comrade Gerten in closing the debate said that the very brevity of the discussion proves the unanimity of the Conference on the questions of fundamental principles. Dealing with individual speakers she supported the comrade from the Young Communist League and expressed her complete agreement with her view that we ought to render all possible aid to the Young Communist League. She further supported Comrade Shtremer in the opinion that the women's demands should be specially supported, not only in words, but in deeds by the whole apparatus of the Communist Party.

Apart from that, she insisted that the women's organisations examine all general principal questions, and in detail [ilegible] those that will be discussed at the Congress of the Comintern.

In conclusion, she expressed the hope that the resolutions adopted at this conference will not remain mere paper resolutions.

International Women's Congress. Final Session

«Moscow», No. 23, June 23rd, 1921, p. 3.

The final session of the Second International Conference took place on the evening of the 15th of June and was held amid the most solemn surroundings. The entire session beginning with the greetings to Comrade Zetkin from Dagestan and concluding with the apparance of the women of the East, was an act of unification under the banner of the women Workers International.

Comrade Trotsky in his greetings uttered the significant symbolic word the “East”. He outlined the international situation and the expectations of a proletarian revolution in the west. After a brief analysis of the causes of victories and defeats of the international proletariat, Comrade Trotsky pointed out the main problems which the revolutionary proletariat must place before themselves is the work of strengthening and the deepening the movement in the East. The roots of British and American Imperialism lie in the East, without undermining them the proletariat will not accomplish even half its tasks.

As if in reply, from the very depths of the hall, a number of Eastern women appeared on the platform. It was a profound and solemn moment. All present rose like one man and the auditorium reverberated with a long roaring endless applause. The orchestra reponded to the applause with the mighty strains of the International.

Covered with their veils and clothed in their National costumes with the dust of travel still upon them they stood, having come from the remotest corners of Asia.

The Eastern women came like a symbol of the glory and the invisible power of the great Communistic ideals. In Moscow the Red motherland of the worlds revolution there are present representatives of the most backward, most oppressed, most suffering women on earth. The foreign Comrades who attended the Congress for the first time, were struck by the inmensity of this unparaled scene, which appeared like tidings from a distant fabled land.

The feeling was expressed by one of the orators—“your land is strange to us, like a fairy tale, but we are close to one another because of our common sufferings and our great ideals”. The greetings of the Eastern women breathed a deep feeling of unity:

“We are very happy to be in Moscow, among the worlds revolutionaries. We have never before participated in International Conferences or in any other conferences but now, with the Russian and European comrades we are undertaking in building the new world”. The general spirit of enthusiasm was expressed in the concluding words of Comrade Kolontai:

“We have just experienced a solemn moment. This moment will be expressed in the history of the Communist International”. What was the appearance of the women of the East if not the symbol of the Communist International?”

Loud and ceaseless applause followed in reply to this question. The Second International Conference of Communist Women concluded its sessions in a mighty expression of International solidarity as a pledge for the victory of the proletariat of the whole world.

Evening Session of June 15th.

The floor is granted to Comrade Trotzky for greetings.

— We are meeting now—said comrade Trotzky—both your Conference and the Congress of the Comintern of which you are part—in a situation which is not so remarkable for definiteness and clarity as, at first glance, was the period immediately following the war. Our enemies even aver that we have utterly failed in our calculations. The Communists—they say—hoped that the world revolution would break out during the war or immediately after it. During that time there have been many revolutionary movements, but only in politically and culturally backward Russia did this movement triumph and maintain itself up till now. In all other countries it merely resulted in the supercession of the regime of the Hapsburgs and the Hohenzollerns by the regime of bourgeois dictatorship, or else took the form of unintermittent strikes. Hence our enemies conclude that because capitalism did not fall during the two or three years the proletariat has displayed its impotence, or, on the contrary, capitalism has manifested its vitality. Now, the III International is confronted with the question as to whether the period of the immediate future will be that of the securer establishment of capitalism or an epoch of greater onslaught by the proletariat. I am unable to deal exhaustively with this question now in so short a time,—I will endeavour to do that on behalf of the Executive Committee of the Comintern at the Congress. But I would like to point out one thing just here. For us communists, marxists, it is obvious that revolutionary movements are instigated and necessitated by economic conditions, but of no small significance is also the subjective moment, the preparedness of the mass themselves for revolution, the mass who make history. The War destroyed millions of lives and milliards worth of property and industry. Capitalism now desires to re-establish the shaken equilibrium and consolidate its dominion. One cannot with pencil in hand compute whether it will succeed in the near future or not. It can only be said that if the proletariat were to take no note of the lessons of the war, the lessons of the Russian revolution and semi-revolution in Germany, Austria, the lessons of the last seven years, if the proletariat will again submit itself to the yoke, then the bourgeoisie would completely re-establish its dominion and transfer the centre of their activity to America, Asia and Africa.

The diplomats, and the politicians of the bourgeoisie, are now engaged with this problem. In that sense the task of the whole of the Congress of the International, and of your conference is to imbue the proletariat with the necessary revolutionary determination and firmness in the struggle with the world capitalism. This task is not so simple when taken on a world scale, as it seemed to some of us some two or three years ago. The proletariat is composed of a number of classes, varied according to their economic past, and political development. The more oppressed, and the more backward classes, of the proletariat, in the face of a grandiose change, brought about by the war, evinces more impatience, a greater revolutionary spirit, than the classes, who were longer in the political movement, and are more developed, they evince a great caution, are more restrained, and are almost conservative.

The movement of the women, I do not speak thus because I am addressing a women's conference, has now a great importance for the development of the revolutionary struggle. Here on the face of it is the same analogy with a more backward and oppressed class of the working class. The employment of women as wage workers' during the period of the war, and Revolution grew immensely, particularly in the Far East. If we were to believe Japanese sources, female labour numerically far exceeds that of male labour, and indicates how great ought to be the participation of women workers in the general revolutionary movement. History has been help up for three years. These three years — was the gain of the bourgeois world, and we must strive to further develop, and deepen our work on an international scale, to not only embrace the West, and the East, but also the backward colonial countries, on whom International Imperialism depends, in the struggle for the re-establishment of its power. The task of the Third Congress is, not only to confirm, but also to clearly formulate that the awakening of the workers of the East, is as much an integral part of our problem as the rising up of the proletariat of the West.

Generally, in spite of the fact that events do not develop with the rapidity which we would desire, we have gained in strength, this year. We have lost some illusions on the question of the speed of the World Revolution, our organisations have grown, and became strengthened we have embraced new countries and new classes of the proletariat nor have our foes been asleep and that proves that the struggle will be a stubborn one, and it will need the collosal straining of forces, the exact and wise administration of all the integral parts of the proletarian movement. And, this movement must be, not the nurse in the political sense of the word, not only a sympathiser, but a direct participator in the general revolutionary front. The is why from the depth of my heart, I give you greetings. Long live the world proletariat. Long live the International movement of the women workers”.

Comrade Clara Zetkin replied to the greetings of Com. Trotsky.

“I am convinced that in your name and from the depths of your heart I am speaking, when I reply with fervent greetings to Com. Trotsky the leader and creator of the Red Army, of that Red Army which side by side with the working men working women, have fought and died as political workers, and as Red Sisters. Let this Red Army of Soviet Russia serve as an example for the coming Red Armies of the East and West”.

After the speech of Com. Zetkin, the resolution accepting the reports of Comrades Lilina, Gerten, and Zetkin was passed unamiously. The greetings of the Congress of the Villages of the women of Dagestan, were accepted. The resolution sent in by the Executive Council of the Young Communists International was then accepted. Then there was a resolution by the Bulgarian Delegation, that the International Womens day should take place on the same day in all countries of the East and West. Comrade Kollontai proposed that they should not fix day now, but thy should leave it to the International Secretariat. Comrade Nicholayeva proposed that the day should not be changed, as on that historic day the women of Petrograd first rose against Tzarism. Comrade Nicholayeva's proposal was accepted unamiously, and the 8th of March is the approved International Day of Women Workers.

Comrade Stahl then read the report of the Credentials Committee.

82 delegates are present at the conference, 61 with a decisive vote, and 21 with a consultive vote. Socially they decided thus: of the decisive votes 29 working women, 32 intellectuals, of the consultative votes 14 women workers and 7 intellectuals. 28 countries are represented in all. Comrade Stahl pointed out the great progress, which had been made in comparison with last year. Then there were only 20 delegates with decisive votes and 5 with consultative, they only represented 19 countries altogether, and most of the delegates were not sent to the Womens conference but to the Congress of the Comintern, they only indirectly represented the organised women workers.

Comrade Kollontai proposed the appointment of a committee, in which there should be a delegate from each country, in order to finish the wording of the manifesto.

Comrade Roland-Holst proposed that the Executive Committee be entrusted to conclude the manifesto, whilst its acceptance be put before a wider Committee. Comrade Roland-Holst's proposal was accepted. Comrade Zetkin proposed that greetings be sent to two comrades who were unable to attend the conference owing to the pressure of work and illness respectively. One of them the leader of the Communist International — Comrade Zinoviev — and the other the heart, soul, and brain of the Russian revolution Comrade Lenin. The proposal of comrade Zetkin was received with applause.

During the reading of the resolutions a large party of women arrived from the East, coming from the conference of Eastern Women, that was cancelled. They were all in their national dress. Many of them were wrapped in veils. They were met with an outburst of applause, while the orchestra played the international.

Comrade Zetkin welcomed the delegates in the name of the Conference. She said that although they differed a great deal in outward appearance yet they were of the same flesh and blood. They had the one common and only one nationality — Revolutionary Communism. “Greetings to you sisters”, she concluded. A number of Eastern women then followed her and conveyed greetings to the conference in their native languages. Then comrade Kollontai read the proposal of the Eastern delegates to call in the near future a special conference to discuss the ways and means of carrying on work amongst the women of the East. The delegates of the Eastern women were to take part in this conference.

Comrade Kollontai concluded the session with the words. “We have just passed through a wonderful moment”.

It will be remembered for ever in the history of the Communist International. It was a moment when the women of the East stretched forth their hands to us. What was this, but a symbol of the power of the Third Communist International!...

Comrade Kollontai then declared the Second International Conference closed. All those who were present stood up and sang the International. The proposal of the Presidium that all those present should attend the Ceremony of depositing wreaths on the graves of Comrades Inness Armand and Ossen in the Red Square was unanimously accepted.

The Laying of the Wreaths.

Touching and impressive was the ceremony of laying the wreaths on the graves of comrades Inessa Armand and Gusti Ossen, delegates from Norway who died last year during the First International Conference of Women Delegates. All the members of this year's conference headed by comrades Zetkin, Krupskaia, and Kollontai went to their graves at the foot of the Red Walls. Comrades Kollontai and Krupskaia placed the wreaths of flowers on the graves of Inessa, whilst the delegates from Scandinavia placed a similar wreath on the grave of Ossen. Emotion prevented comrade Kollontai from speaking and inaudibly she uttered “Comrades, we need no words here”. But after a few moments of deep silence amongst those present the voice of Comrade Pachufarova reached deep down into their souls. Comrade Patchufarova spoke on behalf of the women workers of Moscow. “It is now a year, since we buried our dear leaders. We are grateful to you, dear Comrades, for the influence which you instilled into our work. Rest in peace, we swear to finish the task which you set out to accomplish”. Comrade Issen of Norway spoke of the deceased Comrade Ossen. She thanked the Russian comrade for that great love and self-sacrifice with which they devote themselves, to the work of the world revolution. The dream of Ossen was fulfilled. She slept in a free country, in free Russia. She lay amongst the heroic fighters of a great cause, from whom the workers of Norway, oppressed by their bourgeoisie were arming.

Comrade Ossen was one of the first in Norway to join the Communist Party. The work which she had begun would not be fruitless.

After the speech all those who were present sang “You died for us” and the orchestra played the funeral march.